Prejudices, third seriesMencken, H. L. (Henry Louis)
History
Prejudices, third series
Mencken, H. L. (Henry Louis)
American essays -- 20th century; American literature -- History and criticism; Literature -- History and criticism
The multiplication of such taboos is obviously not characteristic of
a culture that is moving from a lower plane to a higher—that is, of
a culture still in the full glow of its youth. It is a sign, rather,
of a culture that is slipping downhill—one that is reverting to the
most primitive standards and ways of thought. The taboo, indeed, is the
trademark of the savage, and wherever it exists it is a relentless
and effective enemy of civilized enlightenment. The savage is the most
meticulously moral of men; there is scarcely an act of his daily life
that is not conditioned by unyielding prohibitions and obligations,
most of them logically unintelligible. The mob-man, a savage set
amid civilization, cherishes a code of the same draconian kind. He
believes firmly that right and wrong are immovable things—that they
have an actual and unchangeable existence, and that any challenge
of them, by word or act, is a crime against society. And with the
concept of wrongness, of course, he always confuses the concept of mere
differentness—to him the two are indistinguishable. Anything strange
is to be combatted; it is of the Devil. The mob-man cannot grasp ideas
in their native nakedness. They must be dramatized and personalized
for him, and provided with either white wings or forked tails. All
discussion of them, to interest him, must take the form of a pursuit
and scotching of demons. He cannot think of a heresy without thinking
of a heretic to be caught, condemned, and burned.
The Fathers of the Republic, I am convinced, had a great deal more
prevision than even their most romantic worshipers give them credit
for. They not only sought to create a governmental machine that would
be safe from attack without; they also sought to create one that would
be safe from attack within. They invented very ingenious devices for
holding the mob in check, for protecting the national polity against
its transient and illogical rages, for securing the determination
of all the larger matters of state to a concealed but none the less
real aristocracy. Nothing could have been further from the intent
of Washington, Hamilton and even Jefferson than that the official
doctrines of the nation, in the year 1922, should be identical with the
nonsense heard in the chautauqua, from the evangelical pulpit, and on
the stump. But Jackson and his merry men broke through the barbed wires
thus so carefully strung, and ever since 1825 _vox populi_ has been
the true voice of the nation. To-day there is no longer any question
of statesmanship, in any real sense, in our politics. The only way to
success in American public life lies in flattering and kowtowing to the
mob. A candidate for office, even the highest, must either adopt its
current manias _en bloc_, or convince it hypocritically that he has
done so, while cherishing reservations _in petto._ The result is that
only two sorts of men stand any chance whatever of getting into actual
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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