Prejudices, third seriesMencken, H. L. (Henry Louis)
History
Prejudices, third series
Mencken, H. L. (Henry Louis)
American essays -- 20th century; American literature -- History and criticism; Literature -- History and criticism
Turn, now, to politics. Consider, for example, a campaign for the
Presidency. Would it be possible to imagine anything more uproariously
idiotic—a deafening, nerve-wracking battle to the death between
Tweedledum and Tweedledee, Harlequin and Sganarelle, Gobbo and Dr.
Cook—the unspeakable, with fearful snorts, gradually swallowing the
inconceivable? I defy any one to match it elsewhere on this earth.
In other lands, at worst, there are at least intelligible issues,
coherent ideas, salient personalities. Somebody says something, and
somebody replies. But what did Harding say in 1920, and what did Cox
reply? Who was Harding, anyhow, and who was Cox? Here, having perfected
democracy, we lift the whole combat to symbolism, to transcendentalism,
to metaphysics. Here we load a pair of palpably tin cannon with blank
cartridges charged with talcum powder, and so let fly. Here one may
howl over the show without any uneasy reminder that it is serious, and
that some one may be hurt. I hold that this elevation of politics to
the plane of undiluted comedy is peculiarly American, that nowhere else
on this disreputable ball has the art of the sham-battle been developed
to such fineness. Two experiences are in point. During the Harding-Cox
combat of bladders an article of mine, dealing with some of its more
melodramatic phases, was translated into German and reprinted by a
Berlin paper. At the head of it the editor was careful to insert a
preface explaining to his readers, but recently delivered to democracy,
that such contests were not taken seriously by intelligent Americans,
and warning them solemnly against getting into sweats over politics.
At about the same time I had dinner with an Englishman. From cocktails
to bromo seltzer he bewailed the political lassitude of the English
populace—its growing indifference to the whole partisan harlequinade.
Here were two typical foreign attitudes: the Germans were in danger
of making politics too harsh and implacable, and the English were in
danger of forgetting politics altogether. Both attitudes, it must
be plain, make for bad shows. Observing a German campaign, one is
uncomfortably harassed and stirred up; observing an English campaign
(at least in times of peace), one falls asleep. In the United States
the thing is done better. Here politics is purged of all menace, all
sinister quality, all genuine significance, and stuffed with such
gorgeous humors, such inordinate farce that one comes to the end of
a campaign with one’s ribs loose, and ready for “King Lear,” or a
hanging, or a course of medical journals.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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