Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 4 (of 7) — John Shaqi
Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 4 (of 7)Roosevelt, Theodore
History
Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 4 (of 7)
Roosevelt, Theodore
Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858-1919; United States -- Politics and government -- 1901-1909
On the other side, just as we must never allow this Government to be
changed into government by a mob, so we must never allow it to be
changed into government by a plutocracy. The growth of our modern
industrialism has resulted in an altogether disproportionate reward to
the man who goes into money-making as his only career. Two evil results
follow. One is the result to himself, for, unless he is a man of very
strong character, there almost inevitably comes a certain arrogance, or
at least a certain carelessness toward the rights of others. The other
result is to breed in the minds of poor people an attitude of sullen
envy toward men of wealth, which is infinitely more damaging to the
people who hold it than any action of the man of wealth could be.
There must be a closer supervision by the Government of great
industrial combinations, for of course wealth at present finds its
expression through these great industrial combinations. I think it
has been a mistake to act on the theory which has shaped most of our
legislation, National and State, for the last thirty years, that it is
possible to turn back the hands of the clock, to forbid combinations
and to restore business to conditions which have absolutely passed
away. That can not be done. What we can do is to exercise an efficient
supervision over the combinations, so as to see as far as possible
that they are used in the interest of and not against the interest
of the general public. I do not believe that such supervision can
come effectively through the State, nor that it can effectively come
through the municipality. Ultimately in the great majority of cases to
be effective it must be exercised by the National Government. I trust
that in the end means will be found by which the exercise of such
control over all the great industrial corporations which are really
engaged in and doing an interstate business will be lodged in the
hands of the National Government. As the first step to that I hope to
see the passage of legislation which will give as an executive, not
as a judicial function, to the National Government the supervision of
the railroads of the United States which are engaged in interstate
commerce, with the power, when a rate is complained of as improper and
unjust, to examine that rate, and if the rate should be changed to
change it to a given rate, and to have that given rate take practically
immediate effect. Now, I am perfectly well aware that there are
objections to the proposed change, but in my judgment they are far
outweighed by the objections attendant upon not making the change. The
fear expressed by excellent people, who no doubt feel it genuinely,
that we could not get a commission who would fix all the rates of the
railroads of the country, is to my mind much as if they should express
fear that you could not get Supreme Court Justices who would be able
to fix all the laws. I expect that the commission will be able to pass
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