I suggest that the Declaration supplies the _motive_ of action for today; the moment we understand it, we have a definition of America, a specific blueprint of what we have been, what we are, and what we can become--and the action necessary for our future evolves from this; moreover the unnecessary action is likewise defined. Our course before we were attacked and our plans for the world after the war may seem the mere play of prejudice and chance; but the destiny of America will be determined not by the affections of one group or the fears of another, nor by hysteria and passion; our fate will be determined by the whole course of our history--and by our decision to continue its direction or to reverse it. The rest of this book flows out of this belief in the decisive role of the Declaration, but it does not attempt to indicate a course of action in detail. For the sake of illustration I cite these instances. _Q._ Should the U.S. try to democratize the Germans or accept the view that the Germans are a race incapable of self-government? _A._ The history of immigration, based on the Declaration, proves that Germans are capable of being good and great democratic citizens. _Q._ Can the U.S. unite permanently with any single nation or any exclusive group of nations? _A._ Our history, under the Declaration, makes it impossible. _Q._ Can the U.S. join a world federation regulating specific economic problems, such as access to raw materials, tariffs, etc.? _A._ Nothing in the Declaration is against, everything in our history is for, such a move. _Q._ Can the U.S. fight the war successfully without accepting the active principles of the Totalitarian States? _A._ If our history is any guide, the only way we can _lose_ the war is by failing to fight it in our own way. I have already indicated the possibility that our whole military grand plan must be based on variety, which is the characteristic of America created by specific passages in the Declaration; I am sure that the whole grand plan of civilian unity (the plan of morale and propaganda) has to return to the leading lines of our history, if we want to act quickly, harmoniously and effectively; and the peace we make will be another Versailles, with another Article X in the Covenant, if we make it without returning to the sources of our strength. So, if we want to win in the field and at home, win the war and the peace, we must be aware of our history and of the principles laid down in 1776 and never, in the long run, betrayed. _To Whom It May Concern_ The Declaration is in four parts and all of them have some bearing on the present. The first explains why the Declaration is issued. The words are so familiar that their significance is gone; but if we remember that days were spent in revision and the effect of every word was calculated, we can assume that there are no accidents, that the Declaration is precise and says what it means. Here is the passage: