And in the third place, the bill assumed to suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus, substantially, while the Constitution forbids this to be done by any part of the Government of the United States, except in time of war or public danger. There was no war, and to say that there was public danger of the character meant by the constitutional exception was to exaggerate the condition of things entirely beyond all fact or reason. [Sidenote: The brutality of the measure.] The bill was the most brutal proposition ever introduced into the Congress of the United States by a responsible committee, and it would never have been tolerated except at such a time of partisan excitement and exaggerated suspicions. Even under such conditions Congress would not pass it as introduced, but incorporated into it many modifying provisions, most of which, however, while reflecting the honest sentiments of the lawmakers, give little {115} evidence of good political science or sound constitutional law. [Sidenote: The opposition of conservative Republicans to the bill.] [Sidenote: Mr. Blaine's proposed changes in the bill.] The two points in the bill which the conservative Republicans were unable to accept were, first, the establishment of martial law for an indefinite period and without any provision tor a way of future escape from its rigors; and, second, the usurpation of the President's constitutional prerogative of commandership-in-chief of the army. It soon became manifest that the bill could not pass without the introduction of a clause covering the first point and without a change of the provision in regard to the second. A number of the conservative Republicans had indicated these things, when Mr. Blaine squarely asked Mr. Stevens to incorporate an amendment in the bill which should provide a way of escape from the martial rule which the bill proposed to establish. Mr. Blaine's amendment held out the promise of the admission of each of the ten communities now to be thrown into military divisions to its proper position as a "State" of the Union when it should adopt the proposed Fourteenth Amendment and conform its constitution and laws thereto, should provide by its constitution for universal male suffrage without regard to race, color or previous condition of servitude, and should adopt a constitution with such a provision in it by popular vote, and when Congress should approve of the said constitution. [Sidenote: Criticism of Mr. Blaine's propositions.]