Freed persons; Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877); Southern States -- Politics and government -- 1865-1950
We are not willing that the negro shall testify in our courts. We all
revolt at it, and it is natural that we should do so; but we must allow it
as one of the requisites of our admission to our original standing in the
Union. To-day the negro is as competent a witness in our State as the
white man, made so by the action of the convention. The credibility of the
witness is to be determined by the jurors and justices. If you refuse his
testimony, as is being done, the result will be the military courts and
Freedmen's Bureau will take it up, and jurisdiction is lost, and those who
best know the negro will be denied the privilege of passing judgment upon
it, and those who know him least are often more in favor of his testimony
than yours. I am opposed to negro testimony, but by the constitution it is
admitted. (The speaker was here interrupted by an inquiry by one of the
audience: "Has this constitution been ratified by the people, and has the
old constitution been abolished?" To which Mr. Evans replied: The people
did not have an opportunity to ratify it. The convention did not see fit
to submit it to them, and its action in the matter is final.)
Slavery was destroyed eternally before the convention met, by the last
four years of struggle. The convention only indorsed it, because it could
do nothing else. I consider that convention the most important ever held
on this continent--the determination of the war pending upon its action,
and its great influence upon our southern sister States. The unanimity of
the convention was unparalleled: the result of which has met with
universal approval.
The only objectors to its action is the radicalism of the north, which
thinks it should have conferred universal suffrage on the freedmen.
It is useless to send any one to Washington to gain admission to the
Congress of the United States unless the legislature carries out the
dictations of the convention for the protection of the freedmen's rights
and property, and let them have access to the courts of justice.
Do you not desire to get rid of the Freedmen's Bureau and the bayonets and
meet the President half way in his policy of reconstruction? If you do, be
careful and send men to the legislature who will carry out this point, and
thereby enable your congressmen to obtain their seats, and not have to
return.
The speaker was here again interrupted by Mr. John Vallandigham, who
wished to inform the gentleman and all present that there were no
secessionists now.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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