Freed persons; Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877); Southern States -- Politics and government -- 1865-1950
Sir: I have the honor to report, in accordance with orders, that in the
district under my supervision, comprising eight parishes in Louisiana and
two counties in Texas, and an area of about 13,764 square miles, 3,105
contracts have been made, and 27,830 laborers enrolled since the first
of July. The work of making contracts is now nearly completed, but the
returns for the month of August from the officers acting in the different
parishes have not as yet been received. From the data already collected
it will be safe to estimate the whole number of laborers working under
the contract system in the district at not less than 32,000, 25,000 of
whom are in Louisiana.
The experience of two months has demonstrated the fact that the negro will
work well when he is well paid and kindly treated; and another principle
in the nature of the contracting parties has been equally as clearly
elucidated, _i.e_., the planters are disposed to pay the freedmen the
least possible sum for their labor, and that for much compensation the
freedmen make an offset by making as little as possible. To acknowledge
the right of the negro to freedom, and to regard him as a free man
entitled to the benefits of his labor and to all the privileges and
immunities of citizenship, is to throw aside the dogmas for which the
south have been contending for the last thirty years, and seems to be too
great a stride for the people to take at once, and too unpalatable a truth
for the aristocratic planter to comprehend, without the interposition of
the stern logic of the bayonet in the hands of a colored soldier. Duty to
my government compels me to report the following well-authenticated facts:
1. Nineteen-twentieths of the planters have no disposition to pay the
negro well or treat him well.
2. In the same proportion the planting aristocracy proffers obedience to
the government, and at the same time do all in their power to make
trouble.
3. The planters evince a disposition to throw all the helpless and infirm
freedmen upon the hands of the government possible, in order to embarrass
us and compel us to return them to slavery again.
4. A majority of the planters desire to prevent the success of the
free-labor system, that they may force Congress to revive slavery, or,
what is more, a system of peonage.
5. The belief is general among the planters that without some means of
"controlling" the persons of the laborers they cannot succeed; and for
this reason they desire to have the military force removed, and the
privilege of enacting such laws as will enable them to retain this power.
6. To defraud, oppress, and maltreat the freedmen seems to be the
principle governing the action of more than half of those who make
contracts with them.
7. The lives of the freedmen are frequently threatened, and murders are
not of uncommon occurrence.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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