Representative British Orations Volume 2 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
History
Representative British Orations Volume 2 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
Speeches, addresses, etc., English
world; and such ought to have been the conduct of the powers when the
reduction of Savoy made them coalesce. The right honorable gentleman
may know more of the secret particulars of their overrunning Savoy
than I do; but certainly, as they have come to my knowledge, it was a
most Bourbon-like act. A great and justly celebrated historian, I mean
Mr. Hume, a writer certainly estimable in many particulars, but who is
a childish lover of princes, talks of Louis XIV. in very magnificent
terms. But he says of him, that, though he managed his enterprises
with great skill and bravery, he was unfortunate in this, _that he
never got a good and fair pretence for war_. This he reckons among
his misfortunes. Can we say more of the republican French? In seizing
on Savoy I think they made use of the words “_convénances morales et
physiques_.” These were her reasons. A most Bourbon-like phrase. And I
therefore contend that as we never scrupled to treat with the princes
of the House of Bourbon on account of their rapacity, their thirst
of conquest, their violation of treaties, their perfidy, and their
restless spirit, so, I contend, we ought not to refuse to treat with
their republican imitators.
Ministers could not pretend ignorance of the unprincipled manner in
which the French had seized on Savoy. The Sardinian minister complained
of the aggression, and yet no stir was made about it. The courts of
Europe stood by and saw the outrage; and our ministers saw it. The
right honorable gentleman will in vain, therefore, exert his power to
persuade me of the interest he takes in the preservation of the rights
of nations, since, at the moment when an interference might have been
made with effect, no step was taken, no remonstrance made, no mediation
negotiated, to stop the career of conquest. All the pretended and
hypocritical sensibility “for the rights of nations, and for social
order,” with which we have since been stunned, can not impose upon
those who will take the trouble to look back to the period when this
sensibility ought to have roused us into seasonable exertion. At that
time, however, the right honorable gentleman makes it his boast that he
was prevented, by a sense of neutrality, from taking any measures of
precaution on the subject. I do not give the right honorable gentleman
much credit for his spirit of neutrality on the occasion. It flowed
from the sense of the country at the time, the great majority of which
was clearly and decidedly against all interruptions being given to the
French in their desire of regulating their own internal government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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