Representative British Orations Volume 2 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes — John Shaqi
Representative British Orations Volume 2 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
History
Representative British Orations Volume 2 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
Speeches, addresses, etc., English
But this neutrality, which respected only the internal rights of the
French, and from which the people of England would never have departed
but for the impolitic and hypocritical cant which was set up to arouse
their jealousy and alarm their fears, was very different from the
great principle of political prudence which ought to have actuated the
councils of the nation, on seeing the first steps of France toward a
career of external conquest. My opinion is, that when the unfortunate
King of France offered to us, in the letter delivered by M. Chauvelin
and M. Talleyrand, and even entreated us to mediate between him and
the allied powers of Austria and Prussia, they [ministers] ought to
have accepted of the offer, and exerted their influence to save Europe
from the consequence of a system which was then beginning to manifest
itself.[20] It was, at least, a question of prudence; and as we had
never refused to treat and to mediate with the old princes on account
of their ambition or their perfidy, we ought to have been equally
ready now, when the same principles were acted upon by other men. I
must doubt the sensibility which could be so cold and so indifferent
at the proper moment for its activity. I fear that there were at that
moment the germs of ambition rising in the mind of the right honorable
gentleman, and that he was beginning, like others, to entertain hopes
that something might be obtained out of the coming confusion. What
but such a sentiment could have prevented him from overlooking the
fair occasion that was offered for preventing the calamities with
which Europe was threatened? What but some such interested principle
could have made him forego the truly honorable task, by which his
administration would have displayed its magnanimity and its power? But
for some such feeling, would not this country, both in wisdom and in
dignity, have interfered, and, in conjunction with the other powers,
have said to France: “You ask for a mediation. We will mediate with
candor and sincerity, but we will at the same time declare to you our
apprehensions. We do not trust to your assertion of a determination
to avoid all foreign conquest, and that you are desirous only of
settling your own constitution, because your language is contradicted
by experience and the evidence of facts. You are Frenchmen, and you can
not so soon have forgotten and thrown off the Bourbon principles in
which you were educated. You have already imitated the bad practice of
your princes. You have seized on Savoy without a color of right. But
here we take our stand. Thus far you have gone, and we can not help
it; but you must go no farther. We will tell you distinctly what we
shall consider as an attack on the balance and the security of Europe;
and, as the condition of our interference, we will tell you also
the securities that we think essential to the general repose.” This
ought to have been the language of his Majesty’s ministers when their
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