[169] See “No posc mudar,” ll. 13-16, and Thomas, Introd. xv. I venture, however, to think that “Rancon” probably stands not for the place now so called, in Haute-Vienne (Thomas, 77, note 4), _i. e._ in the Limousin, but for Rancogne in the Angoumois, the home of the well-known Geoffrey, lord also of Pons and of Taillebourg. [170] See “Ges no mi desconort,” ll. 11-14, with the reference to “quem disses [el coms, _i. e._ Richard] antan.” [171] _Gesta_, i. 291. [172] _Ib._, 294, 295. [173] _Ib._, 295. [174] _Gesta_, i. 295. [175] R. Diceto, ii. 18—“homagium et ligantiam.” Cf. _Gesta_, i. 291-2. [176] R. Diceto, _l.c._ [177] _I. e._, probably, to an explanation that the homage was not meant to take effect till young Henry should be in his father’s place. [178] _Gesta_, _l.c._ [179] _Ib._, 295. [180] “Vehementer excanduit, incongruum esse dicens, ut dicitur, cum eodem ex patre, cum eadem ex matre, traxisset originem, si fratrem primogenitum aliqua specie subjectionis superiorem agnosceret; sed sicut ipsi fratri suo regi lege primogenitorum bona debebantur paterna, sic in bonis maternis aequa lance successionem legitimam vindicabat,” R. Diceto, ii. 18, 19. That is to say, in fact, he claimed to hold Aquitaine, _after his father’s death_, as a direct underfief of the kingdom of France, and not as a part of the Angevin dominions at all. In other words, he claimed the right to break up the Angevin empire; which was precisely what Henry II was trying to prevent. [181] _Gesta_, i. 292. [182] R. Diceto, ii. 19. [183] Cf. _Gesta_, i. 292 and 295. [184] “Transacta Purificatione B. Mariae,” G. Vigeois, 332. Geoffrey dates the quarrel between the king’s sons “tertio idus Decembris, celebrata Domini Nativitate.” Can he mean “tertio idus Januarii,” January 11? This might very well be the date of the final quarrel between young Henry and Richard. [185] _Gesta_, i. 296. [186] G. Vigeois, _l.c._; _Gesta_, i. 292, 293. [187] _Gesta_, i. 293. It is hardly possible that Geoffrey can have had time to go in person into Britanny as the _Gesta_ imply; but it is clear from Bertrand de Born’s poem “D’un sirventes nom chal” that he was deep in the Aquitanian plot before his eldest brother’s adhesion to it was known; no doubt, therefore, he had secretly made his preparations beforehand for the crisis which had now come. [188] G. Vigeois, 332. [189] G. Vigeois, 332. [190] _Gesta_, i. 292. G. Vigeois, _l.c._, mentions among the “barones et principes” who “tunc temporis conspiraverunt adversus Ricardum,” besides young Henry and Geoffrey of Britanny, Elias, and “Taillefer” of Angoulême, Aimar of Limoges, Raymond of Turenne, Peter viscount of Castillon and his brother Oliver of Chalais, Fulcaud of Archiac (in Saintonge) and Geoffrey of Lusignan. This last was now at Limoges, and in the most intimate counsels of the young king; see _Hist. G. le Mar._, ll. 6408-13. [191] R. Howden, ii. 274. [192] G. Vigeois, _l.c._