Roman Public LifeGreenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
History
Roman Public Life
Greenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
Constitutional history -- Rome; Rome -- Politics and government
It is generally agreed that the monarchical constitution of early Rome
rested on a limited sovereignty of the people, a power restricted by
the extraordinary authority of their sole magistrate. This popular
sovereignty was asserted in jurisdiction, in legislation, and in the
ratification of magisterial power. The attribution of the right of appeal
in criminal cases (_provocatio_)[153] to the people shows that with them
rests either the sovereign attribute of pardon or some right of trying
criminal cases in the last resort. Tradition makes the Roman people the
sole source of law,[154] that is, of standing ordinances of a general
kind which are to bind the community,[155] although the initiative in
legislation can come only from the king; and apart from the rulings of
the pontifical college, which did not require the sanction of the people,
this theory of primitive legislation seems to be correct; for the very
early laws passed by the _comitia_ on the downfall of the monarchy do
not appear to mark any violent break in the theory of the constitution.
We do not know whether the king employed the formula afterwards used
by the Republican magistrates, which elicited the “will and command”
of the burgesses (_velitis_, _jubeatis_, _quirites_); but law (_lex_)
is from the first something “laid down” by a competent authority, and
binding, therefore, in virtue of the power that ordains it.[156] After
its ordinance it may or must create a contractual relation between
individuals,[157] but there is no hint of its being the result of a
contract or co-operation between independent authorities. The source of
law is, therefore, simple; it is the people’s will; but, through the bar
to utterance created by the magistracy, this will is very limited in its
capacity for expression. The people are also affirmed to have been in a
certain sense the source of honour, and typical illustrations of this
power are presented by the traditional beliefs that the regal _insignia_
of Etruria, adopted by the kings of Rome, were only assumed by them
with the consent of Senate and people,[158] and that the appointment of
officers for special purposes, although these may have been in theory
merely delegates of the king, had to be ratified by laws of the _curiae_.
The quaestors, the earliest prototypes of the later magistrates at Rome,
are said to have been so appointed.[159]
The people, therefore, possessed certain sovereign rights, but each right
was limited by the vast authority of their personal representative, who
wielded the whole of the executive, and so much of the legislative power
as is implied in the sole right of initiative. We cannot even speak of
the people as _vesting_ this power in their king; for their right of
election was, as we shall see, probably as limited as their power of
legislation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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