This appears in a number of words: e.g., _ledder_, "leather"; _fader_ (in Gau), _fadder_, "father"; _moder_, _mudder_, "mother"; _broder_, _brudder_, "brother"; _lidder_ (A.S. _liðre_); _de_ (Gau), "the" (article); _widdie_ (O.E. _wiðig_), "withy"; _dead_, "death"; _ferde_, "fourth"; etc. In some works this tendency is quite general. Norse loanwords as a rule keep the spirant, but in the following loanwords _ð_ has become _d_: _cleed_, _cleeding_, "clothe, clothing," from O.N. _klæða_; _red_, "to clear up," O.N. _ryðja_; _bodin_, O.N. _boðinn_ (? See E.D.D.); _bud_, "bribe," O.N. _boð_; _heid_, "brightness," O.N. _hæið_; _eident_, "busy," O.N. _iðinn_ (_ythand_ is, however, the more common Sco. form); _bledder_, "to prate," O.N. _blaðra_ (more commonly _blether_ in Sco.); _byrd_, "ought," O.N. _burði_; _stiddy_, O.N. _steði_. I do not think _ryde_, "severe," can be derived from O.N. _reiðr_; and _frody_, "wise," is rather O.E. _frod_ than O.N. _fróðr_. _Waith_, O.N. _væiðr_, has kept the spirant, but _faid_, a "company of hunters," has changed it to _d_. _Faid_ probably comes in from Gaelic. I have called attention to this change of _ð_ to _d_ in Sco., since many words affected by it have become almost identical in form with their Scand. cognates and have consequently been considered loan-words. See §23. 20. O.E. _ā_ AND O.N. _ÆI_. HOW FAR WE CAN DETERMINE SUCH WORDS TO BE OF NATIVE OR OF NORSE ORIGIN. Certain Eng. dialect words in _ē_ corresponding to O.E. _ā_ have been considered Scand. loanwords. We have, however, seen that in the north O.E. _ā_ > _ē_ just as did O.N. _æi_ (_ei)_. How many of these words are genuine English and how many are loanwords becomes, then, rather uncertain. Wall argues that the Norse words were always in M.E. spelled with a diphthong, while the genuine English words were spelled with an _a_--thus _bain_, _baisk_ from O.N. _bæinn_, _bæiskr_, but _hame_, _stane_, _hale_ from O.E. _hām_, _stān_, _hāl_. If this were always the case we should have here a safe test. It is, however, a fact that in Scottish texts at least, no such consistency exists with regards to these words. The following variant spellings will show this: _hame_, _haim_, _haym_; _stain_, _stane_, _stayne_; _hal_, _hale, hail_, _hayle_; _lak_, _lake_, _laik_, _layk_; _blake_, _blaik_, _blayk_, etc., etc. There is, however, another way in which to determine which of such words are loanwords and which are not. In Southern Scotland in D. 33, and in Northwestern England (D. 31), O.N. _æi_ and O.E. _ā_ did not coincide, but have been kept distinct down to the present time (see Ellis's word-lists and Luik, 220, 221). In these two dialects O.E. _ā_ developed to an _i_-fracture (see §16.2), while O.N. _æi_ never went beyond the _e_-stage, and remains an _e_-vowel in the modern dialects. Here, then, we have a perfectly safe test for a large number of words. Those that have in D. 31 and D. 33 an _i_-vowel or an _i_-fracture are genuine English, those