Schools of Gaul in the last century of the Western Empire : $b A study of pagan and Christian education in the last century of the Western empireHaarhoff, T. J. (Theodore Johannes)
History
Schools of Gaul in the last century of the Western Empire : $b A study of pagan and Christian education in the last century of the Western empire
Haarhoff, T. J. (Theodore Johannes)
Education, Ancient -- France; Gaul -- History -- 58 B.C.-511 A.D.
Victorius had the scientific spirit, but no use can be made of it
for history, which, to Ausonius, means something much nearer to the
brilliance of the rhetor than to the patient study of a Victorius or a
Staphylius, whom he regards with an airy smile of contempt. The ‘prompta
studia’ of the ordinary teacher who glibly talked the traditional stuff
are separated with an air of respectability from the work of such cranks
as indulge in dusty research.[1199] Rocafort rightly suspects that
these students ‘irrisioni, sicut Ausonio, ita cunctis Burdigalensibus
fuisse’.[1200] A practical sign of this is the low position which
Victorius held: he was not even a grammarian but merely an assistant
(_subdoctor sive proscholus_),[1201] poorly paid, ‘exili nostrae fucatus
honore cathedrae’. The subsidiary position of history is indicated by
Augustine when he says that it was an accessory to ‘Grammar’, and its
mythological and artificial character is criticized in the remark that it
was more worked at by grammarians than actual historians.[1202]
It is quite clear that history was studied in a very haphazard way.
Even a teacher of sufficient prominence to deliver several[1203]
panegyrics before the emperor, such as the Gallic author of the speech
to Constantius, talks in a very vague way about some of the best-known
statements of Herodotus. ‘Xerxes, _ut audio_, _Persarum rex potissimus_,
pedicas iecit aureas in profundum....’ Unfamiliarity with Greek history
is implied both on the part of the speaker and on the part of the
audience. When Ausonius tells us that he wrote a Roman History for his
son (_ignota aeternae ne sint tibi tempora Romae_[1204]), we get the
impression that he did it largely because his name appeared in the list
of consuls, and to urge his son to follow his footsteps.
Scire cupis qui sim? titulum qui quartus ab uno est
quaere: leges nomen consulis Ausonii.
And,
Exemplum iam patris habes, ut protinus et te
adgreget Ausoniis purpura consulibus;[1205]
and again, to Proculus:
Mille annos centumque et bis fluxisse novenos
consulis Ausonii nomen ad usque leges.[1206]
It is a pity that the main part of the work is lost, but probably its
author merely followed the tendency of the age to epitomize, as he did in
the summary of Suetonius’s lives of the Caesars. The study of history,
in fact, was merely ancillary: ‘ut aliquid nitoris et copiae orationi
afferrent (_sc._ _historiae studia_) et aliquid materiae carmini.’[1207]
The models followed by the historians are chosen chiefly for their
literary brilliance. Sallust is the most famous, and he plays a large
part in Ausonius’s syllabus. Orosius was greatly influenced by Tacitus,
and Arnobius by Lucretius.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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