Initial #h# in words of less stress has largely disappeared, so, it 8, &c., but hit 189: it is added in hær 159, here, her 190. #hw# is reduced to _w_, War 85, wile 69, umwile 70, and is _wu_ in Wua 24. #h# is lost in þur 112 through confusion with the following word, but its guttural character is sufficiently indicated by added _c_ in þurhc 155, 156. _þ_ is written for #h# in þoþ 35, þoþwethere 91, 181; but þohuuethere 33. #Accidence:# In the strong declension #sunu# _m._ is levelled to sune _s. n._ 21; _f._ sæhte _s. n._ 184 has added _e_. Gen. _s._ -es, as kinges 29; no examples of fem. or neut. nouns. The dative is mostly without distinctive inflection, as land 1, king 2; eie 196, sune 184, rice 177, genge 119 do not differ in termination from the nom., but exceptionally kinge 28, tune 73; lande 10, 76, gære 13, quarterne 59, wiue 179 have _e_. The dat. fem. forms saule 40, ceste 60, strengthe 99, 145, rode 109, forewarde 157, and the accusatives milce 4, treuthe 47, blisse 175 probably correspond in this text to ME. nominatives with added _e_, as is the case with the acc. fare 72, helpe 169, sahte 182. Men 23 is probably dat. sing.: the gen. is mannes 65. Sylure 24 is probably for syluer, as at 53. The plural _n. d. a._ inflection is -es; sandes 34, tunes 70, 72; once s in martyrs 54. Neuters in es are gæildes 70, landes 92, weorkes 103, but wunder 46, 67 _pl. a._ retains the OE. plural. Fote 165 is prob. _pl. d._ (= #fōtum#); wintre 69, 89 is a _pl. a._ corresponding to OE. pl.#winter#; similarly threniht, _pl. a._ 16. Pining 54, 108 (#pīnung# _f._) appears to be treated as a neut. pl., comp. pines 68: freond 151 is OE. _pl. a._ #frēond#. No example of _pl._ gen. occurs. The weak declension of all genders has e in all cases of the singular; _n._ mone 16; _d._ messe 11, lammasse 13, smoke 56, pape 95, time 106, luue 109; _a._ throte 65, cyrce 79. But sunnen (dæi) 198 preserves an old genitive; cyricen 203, circewican 97, horderwycan 98 are datives. The plurals are mostly in -es. _n._ nadres 59, _d._ þumbes 56, _a._ neues 43; but halechen _pl. n._ 87, estren _pl. d._ 108 descend from OE. forms. Most of the adjective inflections are lost, and there is little trace of the distinction between strong and weak. There is no instance of undoubted inflection of a strong adj. in the singular, but ful 56, an 60, scort 60, al 66, 88 are uninflected: micel is invariable. Strong _pl._ in e are sæhte 35, alle 45, 62, 67, 68, 72, 96, 129, yuele 51, scærpe 61, suilce 86, manie 102, gode 104, wunderlice, manifældlice 112: not inflected are al 15, cnotted 57, hethen 77, mani 103. I take untellendlice 54, alle, ilce 108 as _pl. a._ The weak declension is exemplified in the singular, lundenisce 27, 139, yfele 88, ilce 200; but ilc 18, &c. Wise 182 is plural; not inflected, æuez 117, &c. onne 63, _s. a. f._ corresponds to #ǣnne#, rather than #āne#.