The personal pronouns are i 67; he, him; hi _pl. n._ 37, her _pl. g._ (#hiera#) 154, heom, and once hi _pl. a._ 51; scæ 140 (first appearance), hire; it: relatives þe, ð{at}, used also in oblique cases, _pl. g._ 63, _s. d._ 116: article _s. pl._ þe, but _pl._ to 111, 117 (for þo). Strong verbs have _inf._ in -en, but bæron 63, bigæton 170. The _dat. inf._ with _to_, but uninflected, occurs 63, 71, 124, 170, 186, 189; _part. pr._ are sittende 73, ridend 82; _pr. pl._ lien 97; _pt. s._ I a. iaf, lai, besæt, begæt, spac: I b. com, nam, bar, stæl, stal: I c. warth, uuard, ward, wærd, wart, fand, wan, belamp: III. fleh, forles: IV. for, toc, suor, forstod: V. underfeng, held, slep, læt, wæx, hatte; _pt. pl._ usually ends in -en, but on, an, æn also occur; I a. iafen, undergæton 44, drapen, eten: I b. comen, coman 82, namen, bæron, forbaren, stali (error for stalen) 147, bræcon 62: I c. wurþen, fuhten, fuhtten 181, sturuen: II. risen, uurythen, suyken: III. flugen, flugæn 82, 135, cusen: IV. tocan 32, sloghen: V. helden, heolden, hengen: iafen 44, bræcon 62 are possibly subjunctives; bare 24, helde 184 are _pt. s. subj._: _pp._ I b. forholen: I c. begunnon: III. cosan, forloren: IV. suoren, forsworen: V. underfangen. Weak verbs have _inf._ in en, but rixan 176, uuerrien 33, sæin 87, sei 24; _dat. inf._ with _to_, but uninflected, at 33, 98, 131; _pr. s._ maket 112, _pt. s._ in -de, -ede; but besætte 131, wrohte 91: beteht 117, goded 92, henged 55, 56, læd 135, macod 41, mint 98, scatered, to-deld 39 have lost final _e_; gæde 58 is _pt. s. subj._; þole(n)den 1 _pt. pl._ 87; _pt. pl._ in -en, as sæden 17, &c.; once in on, brendon 72. bebiriend 22, bebyried 111 are for bebyrieden; comp. byrieden 110, the loss of _en_ is due to the following word; _part. pt._ in -ed, but forcursæd 84, bepaht 4. Noteworthy among the Anomala are myhtes 2 _pt. s._; muhten _pt. pl._; cunnen 1 _pr. pl._; durste _pt. s._; wæron, uuaren _pt. pl._; uuare 16, ware 183, _pt. s. subj._; hatte 113, gehaten 11, 202. #Dialect:# This is, no doubt, substantially the North-East Midland of Peterborough, but with traces of Northern influence, such as the form saule 40, and the extensive representation by _a_ of #ǣ{2}# before _r_; of #ā#; and of #a# before lengthening groups. The last two perhaps need no such explanation in this early text; they are indeed usual in Orm fifty years later, but the inclination to #o# is marked in other East Midland texts. There is a considerable survival of traditional spelling, especially noticeable in the use of #æ# and in inflections of the verbs.