Slavery -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1849-1853
But suppose a doubt could be reasonably entertained about the invasion
of the new territories by slavery. Even suppose the chances to
preponderate against it. What then? Are we to submit a question of
human liberty over vast regions and for an indefinite extent of time,
to the determination of chance? With all my faculties I say, _No!_ Let
me ask any man, let me respectfully ask Mr. Webster himself, if it
were his own father and mother, and brothers and sisters, and sons and
daughters, who were in peril of such a fate, whether he would abandon
them to chance,--even to a favorable chance. Would he suffer their
fate to be determined by dice or divination, when positive prohibition
was in his power? And by what rule of Christian morality, or even of
enlightened heathen morality, can we deal differently with the kindred
of others from what we would with our own? He is not a Christian whose
humanity is bounded by the legal degrees of blood, or by general types
of feature.
But Mr. Webster would not “taunt” the south. Neither would I. I would
not taunt any honorable man, much less a criminal. Still, when the
most precious interests of humanity are in peril, I would not be
timid. I would not stop too long to cull lovers’ phrases. Standing
under the eye of God, in the forum of the world and before the august
tribunal of posterity, when the litigants are freedom and tyranny, and
human happiness and human misery the prize they contest, it should
happen to the sworn advocate of liberty, as Quintilian says it did
to Demosthenes, “not to speak and to plead, but to thunder and to
lighten.” Mr. Webster would not taunt the south; and yet I say the
south were never so insulted before as he has insulted them. Common
scoffs, jeers, vilifications, are flattery and sycophancy compared
with the indignities he heaped upon them. Look at the facts. The south
waged war with Mexico from one, and only one, motive; for one, and only
one, object,--the extension of slavery. They refused peace unless it
surrendered territory. That territory must be south of the abhorred
line of 36° 30´. The same President who abandoned the broad belt of
country on our northern frontier, from 49° to 54° 40´, to which we had,
in his own words, “an unquestionable title,” would allow no prohibition
of slavery to be imposed upon the territory which Mexico ceded, though
she would bury it a foot deep in gold. The Proviso had been resisted
in all forms, from the beginning. Southern Whigs voted against the
ratification of the treaty, foreseeing the struggle that was to follow.
Desperate efforts had been made, at the close of the last session of
Congress, to smuggle in an unrestricted territorial government, against
all parliamentary rule and all constitutional implication. The whole
south, as one man, claimed it as a “describable, weighable, estimable,
tangible,” and most valuable “right” to carry slaves there. Calhoun,
Berrien, Badger, Mason, Davis,--the whole southern phalanx, Whig and
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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