Social-Democracy and Woman Suffrage: A Paper Read by Clara Zetkin to the Conference of Women Belonging to the Social-Democratic Party Held at Mannheim, Before the Opening of the Annual Congress of the German Social-DemocracyZetkin, Klara
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Social-Democracy and Woman Suffrage: A Paper Read by Clara Zetkin to the Conference of Women Belonging to the Social-Democratic Party Held at Mannheim, Before the Opening of the Annual Congress of the German Social-Democracy
Zetkin, Klara
Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands; Women -- Suffrage
Another question is the right of forming unions and of holding meetings.
In many States, even in reactionary Saxony, women and men have equal
rights on this matter. In other States—and Prussia is naturally foremost
in the cause of reaction—the right of women to form unions has been much
crippled. Some progress in this question has also been made by the
Centre. Now that party is ready to declare, not indeed that women should
have freedom to form political unions, but that the millions of women
who are struggling in industry for existence should have liberty to form
unions and associations, and that no impediments should be placed in
their way to prevent them from combining together. These victories show
how we should work if we wish to be successful. The question of
obtaining for women universal, equal, secret and direct Suffrage is
looked upon somewhat askance by middle-class parties. We need not wonder
much at this, because in many middle-class circles there is a good deal
of dislike to universal, equal, secret and direct Suffrage for men, and
a very influential class thinks that this Suffrage should at the first
good opportunity be subverted or weakened. These people are naturally
not prepared to grant the franchise to women. But, nevertheless, I
venture to prophesy that in Germany we shall extend this franchise to
women before it shall be taken away from men. I will venture to say that
the proposal to do that cannot succeed, and I am sure it would be very
imprudent to attempt it, because if it were done all men who have the
vote, and who would by the proposal be injured, would raise such a
protest and engage in such a struggle as Germany has never seen. And
just as the Centre in 1898 declined to follow one of its members when he
proposed then the law on penitentiaries, so I do not think it will care
to shake up our great mass of voters by trying to curtail the franchise.
But on the other hand, as discontent increases in the mass and the power
of Socialism grows, it is possible, in order to weaken our voting power,
that our enemies might try to get the support of women, because,
undoubtedly, there are a large number of them who are not friendly to
the Social-Democratic organisation. Reckoning on this—I will not
consider to-night why it is so—and that women are often indifferent, and
will either be influenced by Conservatives or by clergymen, the majority
may think that the granting of Woman Suffrage would be a disadvantage to
the Socialists. That is undoubtedly right. But it will be our own fault
if, when women get the vote, they are against us. All the reasons which
are urged to-day against Woman Suffrage were formerly used against
granting the vote to men. I myself, 43 years ago, as a member of the
Builders’ Union, spoke against Universal Suffrage on the ground that
working men were not properly educated. That has, in fact, been shown to
be true, for now, after having Universal Suffrage in Germany for nearly
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