Social life in England, 1750-1850Foakes-Jackson, F. J. (Frederick John)
History
Social life in England, 1750-1850
Foakes-Jackson, F. J. (Frederick John)
England -- Social life and customs -- 18th century; England -- Social life and customs -- 19th century
Brougham and Denman both spoke for the Queen, and she was better
received on the next day, the 18th. Creevey went off to his club and
wrote: “Nothing can be more triumphant for the Queen than this day
altogether.... The Law Officers of the Crown are damnably overweighted
by Brougham and Denman.” The next day the facts adduced by the Attorney
General made things look bad. A less numerous and reputable crowd
appeared to cheer the Queen on the 22d. “Now,” writes Creevey, “her
danger begins.” But then things began to mend; the witness in whom
the prosecution had most confidence was a certain Teodoro Majocchi.
Brougham forced him to contradict himself, and seeing how he was
being driven into admissions, the witness continually replied, _Non
mi ricordo_, “I don’t remember,” a phrase which became for a time
proverbial. There were very few English witnesses, but when Creevey, on
Aug. 25, mentioned this to the Duke of Wellington, his Grace replied,
“Ho! but we have a great many English witnesses--officers.” “And this
was the thing,” writes Creevey, “which frightened me most.” On the
26th the evidence of a chambermaid gave trouble, and Creevey is angry
with the Queen. “This,” to quote him, “gives considerable--indeed very
great advantage--to the case of that eternal fool, to call her (the
Queen) no worse name.” A few days later, Sept. 8, he calls her “the
idiot.”--The next day the House adjourned till the 3d October, and
the divorce clause was dropped. Creevey remarks that now the Bill of
Pains and Penalties was really directed against the King: its object
being “to declare the Queen an abandoned woman, and the King a fit
associate for her!” When the House sat on Oct. 3, Mr. Brougham made
his great speech for the defence. On the 6th it came out that the
husband of the Queen’s friend, Lady Charlotte Lindsay, had sold his
wife’s letters to the Treasury. On the 9th Creevey reports “the town
literally drunk with joy at the unparalleled triumph of the Queen.” But
at 4 P.M. the weather changed. Two Naval officers, Flynn and Hownam,
were called for the defence, and broke down under cross examination, so
that the Queen’s guilt became almost certain. Then the government lost
its advantage by committing the mistake of letting a witness, who was
to have been indicted for perjury, leave the country. On the 13th the
Duke of Norfolk wrote to Creevey, saying that “if this horrible bill”
passed, he would feel no regret that as a Roman Catholic he could not
take his seat as a Peer. At last, on Oct. 24, the trial was nearing its
end and Denman began to sum up. The attack he made on the King and the
Duke of Clarence, who had been especially bitter against the Queen, is
a striking example of the freedom allowed to a British advocate. He
compared the case to the dismissal of the virtuous Octavia by Nero and
the examination of her servants by his infamous minister, Tigellinus.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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