This is fairly obvious in common observation. At a gathering, which I
was privileged to attend, of the principal men of a neighboring
commercial city, it seemed that the prevailing type was quite
commonplace. They appeared kindly and of a good business intelligence,
but hardly in such a degree as one might expect in the leading men of a
leading community. Apparently the city had grown and these men attached,
as it were, to the growing branches, had been lifted up accordingly.
I take it that large gains, and even gains that are unjust, so far as
individual merit is concerned, are inevitable, though some of the more
flagrant inequalities might be reduced by social reform. We must, then,
deal with them after they are made, and this points to a policy of
drastic taxation, the revenue to be used for the common welfare, and
also to moral control of the use of wealth through public opinion and
social ideals.
It is probably true that the poor, of a scattered and sporadic sort,
will always be with us; but organized poverty might be abolished. I mean
that the misery class, now existing at the bottom of the economic scale
and perpetuating itself through lack of opportunity for the children,
might be eliminated through minimum standards of family life and cognate
social reforms. For those who, for whatever reason, fall below the
standards there should be a special care designed to prevent their
condition becoming established in misery environments, and so passed on
to another generation. As it is now, lack of opportunity perpetuates
misery, which in turn prevents opportunity, and so on in a vicious
circle. The general result is a state of social degeneracy through which
ignorance, vice, inefficiency, squalor, and lack of ambition are
reproduced in the children. Families not far above the misery line also
need special care to prevent their being crowded over it. While it seems
likely that, in spite of all our precautions, misery will continue to be
generated, we ought to be able to prevent its organization in a
continuous class.
To do this we shall certainly have to proceed with the delicate task of
supplementing family responsibility without essentially impairing it. We
have already come far in this direction, with our compulsory education,
restrictions on child labor, removal from parents of abused or neglected
children, probation officers, mothers’ pensions, visiting nurses,
medical inspection in the schools, and so on. We need to do much more of
the same sort, and the question just how far we can go in a given
direction without doing more harm than good must be decided by
experience.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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