Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition. — John Shaqi
Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition.Pitt, William
History
Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition.
Pitt, William
Ireland -- Politics and government -- 1760-1820
this principle of the incompetency of Parliament to the decision of
the Measure be admitted, or if it be contended, that Parliament has no
legitimate authority to discuss and decide upon it, you will be driven
to the necessity of recognizing a principle, the most dangerous that
ever was adopted in any civilized State. I mean the principle, that
Parliament cannot adopt any measure new in its nature, and of great
importance, without appealing to the constituent and delegating authority
for directions. If that doctrine be true, look to what an extent it will
carry you. If such an argument could be set up and maintained, you acted
without any legitimate authority when you created the representation
of the Principality of Wales, or of either of the Counties Palatine of
England. Every Law that Parliament ever made, without that appeal, either
as to its own Frame and Constitution, as to the qualification of the
electors or the elected, as to the great and fundamental point of the
succession to the Crown, was a breach of Treaty, and an Act of Usurpation.
If we turn to Ireland itself, what do Gentlemen think of the power of
that Parliament, which, without any fresh delegation from its Protestant
constituents, associates to itself all the Catholic electors, and thus
destroys a fundamental distinction on which it was formed? God forbid,
that I should object to or blame any of these Measures! I am only stating
the extent to which the principle (that Parliament has no authority to
decide upon the present Measure) will lead; and, if it be admitted in
one case, it must be admitted in all. Will any man say, that (although
a Protestant Parliament in Ireland, chosen exclusively by Protestant
Constituents, has by its own inherent power, and without consulting those
constituents, admitted and comprehended the Catholics who were till
then, in fact, a separate community) that Parliament cannot associate
itself with another Protestant community, represented by a Protestant
Parliament, having one interest with itself, and similar in its Laws, its
Constitution, and its Established Religion? What must be said by those
who have at any time been friends to any plan of Parliamentary Reform,
and particularly to such as have been most recently brought forward,
either in Great Britain or Ireland? Whatever may have been thought of
the propriety of the Measure, I never heard any doubt of the competency
of Parliament to consider and discuss it. Yet I defy any man to maintain
the principle of those plans, without contending that, as a Member of
Parliament, he possesses a right to concur in disfranchising those who
sent him to Parliament, and to select others, by whom he was not elected,
in their stead. I am sure that no sufficient distinction, in point of
principle, can be successfully maintained for a single moment; nor should
I deem it necessary to dwell on this point, in the manner I do, were
I not convinced that it is connected in part with all those false and
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