Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition.Pitt, William
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Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition.
Pitt, William
Ireland -- Politics and government -- 1760-1820
dangerous notions on the subject of Government which have lately become
too prevalent in the world. It may, in fact, be traced to that gross
perversion of the principles of all political society, which rests on
the supposition that there exists continually in every Government a
Sovereignty _in abeyance_ (as it were) on the part of the People, ready
to be called forth on every occasion, or rather, on every pretence, when
it may suit the purposes of the party or faction who are the advocates
of this doctrine to suppose an occasion for its exertion. It is in
these false principles that are contained the seeds of all the misery,
desolation, and ruin, which in the present day have spread themselves
over so large a portion of the habitable Globe.
These principles, Sir, are, at length, so well known and understood in
their practical effects, that they can no longer hope for one enlightened
or intelligent advocate, when they appear in their true colours. Yet,
with all the horror we all feel, in common with the rest of the World,
at the effect of them, with all the confirmed and increasing love and
veneration which we feel towards the Constitution of our Country, founded
as it is, both in Theory and Experience, on principles directly the
reverse; yet, there are too many among us, who, while they abhor and
reject such opinions, when presented to them in their naked deformity,
suffer them in a more disguised shape to be gradually infused into
their minds, and insensibly to influence and bias their sentiments and
arguments on the greatest and most important discussions. This concealed
poison is now more to be dreaded than any open attempt to support such
principles by argument or to enforce them by arms. No society, whatever
be its particular form, can long subsist, if this principle is once
admitted. In every Government, there must reside somewhere a supreme,
absolute, and unlimited authority. This is equally true of every lawful
Monarchy—of every Aristocracy—of every pure Democracy (if indeed such
a form of Government ever has existed, or ever can exist)—and of those
mixed Constitutions formed and compounded from the others, which we are
justly inclined to prefer to any of them. In all these Governments,
indeed alike, that power may by possibility be abused, but whether
the abuse is such as to justify and call for the interference of the
people collectively, or, more properly speaking, of any portion of it,
must always be an extreme case and a question of the greatest and most
perilous responsibility, not in Law only, but in Conscience and in Duty,
to all those who either act upon it themselves, or persuade others to
do so. But no provision for such a case ever has been or can be made
before-hand; it forms no chapter in any known code of laws, it can find
no place in any system of human jurisprudence. But, above all, if such a
principle can make no part of any established Constitution, not even of
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