Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition.Pitt, William
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Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799: On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth Edition.
Pitt, William
Ireland -- Politics and government -- 1760-1820
Sir, the next and not the least prevalent objection, is one which is
contained in words which are an appeal to a natural and laudable, but
what I must call an erroneous and mistaken, sense of national pride.
It is an appeal to the generous and noble passions of a nation easily
inflamed under any supposed attack upon its honour. I mean the attempt to
represent the question of a Union by compact between the Parliaments of
the two Kingdoms as a question involving the Independance of Ireland.—It
has been said, that no compensation could be made to any country for
the surrender of its National Independance. Sir, on this, as well as on
every part of the question, I am desirous Gentlemen should come closely
to the point, that they should sift it to the bottom, and ascertain
upon what grounds and principles their opinion really rests. Do they
mean to maintain that in any humiliating, in any degrading sense of the
word which can be acted upon practically as a rule, and which can lead
to any useful conclusion, that at any time when the Government of any
two separate Countries unite in forming one more extensive empire, that
the individuals who composed either of the former narrow societies are
afterwards less members of an independant country, or to any valuable and
useful purpose less possessed of political freedom or civil happiness
than they were before? It must be obvious to every Gentleman who will
look at the subject, in tracing the history of all the countries, the
most proud of their present existing independance, of all the nations
in Europe, there is not one that could exist in the state in which it
now stands, if that principle had been acted upon by our forefathers;
and Europe must have remained to this hour in a state of ignorance and
barbarism, from the perpetual warfare of independent and petty states.
In the instance of our own Country, it would be a superfluous waste
of time to enumerate the steps by which all its parts were formed
into one Kingdom; but will any man in general assert, that in all the
different Unions which have formed the principal states of Europe, their
inhabitants have become less free, that they have had less of which to be
proud, less scope for their own exertions, than they had in their former
situation. If this doctrine is to be generally maintained, what becomes
of the situation at this hour of any one county of England, or of any one
county of Ireland, now united under the independant Parliament of that
Kingdom? If it be pushed to its full extent, it is obviously incompatible
with all civil society. As the former principle of the sovereignty of
the people strikes at the foundation of all governments, so this is
equally hostile to all political confederacy, and mankind must be driven
back to what is called the state of nature.
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