Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 3 of 3: I. Agorè: Polities of the Homeric Age. II. Ilios: Trojans and Greeks Compared. III. Thalassa: The Outer Geography. IV. Aoidos: Some Points of the Poetry of Homer. — John Shaqi
Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 3 of 3: I. Agorè: Polities of the Homeric Age. II. Ilios: Trojans and Greeks Compared. III. Thalassa: The Outer Geography. IV. Aoidos: Some Points of the Poetry of Homer.Gladstone, W. E. (William Ewart)
Philosophy
Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age, Vol. 3 of 3: I. Agorè: Polities of the Homeric Age. II. Ilios: Trojans and Greeks Compared. III. Thalassa: The Outer Geography. IV. Aoidos: Some Points of the Poetry of Homer.
Gladstone, W. E. (William Ewart)
Civilization, Homeric; Epic poetry, Greek -- History and criticism; Homer
Nothing, then, could be more natural, than that, in the absence of the
sovereigns, often combined with the infancy of their children, the
mother should become the depositary of an authority, from which, as we
see by other instances, her sex does not appear to have excluded her:
and that if, as is probable, the instances were many and simultaneous,
this systematic character given to female rule should have its formal
result on language in the creation of the word Queen, and its twin
phrase δέσποινα, or Mistress. The extension of the word ἄνασσα from
divinities to mortals might result from a subaltern operation of the
same causes.
In the very same manner, the diminished force of authority at its
centre would increase the relative prominence of such among the nobles
as remained at home. On reaching to manhood, they would in some cases,
as in Ithaca, find themselves practically independent. The natural
result would be, that having, though on a small scale, that is to say,
so far probably as their own properties and neighbourhoods respectively
were concerned, much of the substance of sovereignty actually in
their hands, they should proceed to arrogate its name. Hence come the
βασιλῆες of Ithaca and the islands near it; some of them young men,
who had become adult since the departure of Ulysses, others of them
old, who, remaining behind him, had found their position effectively
changed, if not by the fact of his departure, yet by the prolongation
of his absence.
The relaxed use, then, of the term βασιλεὺς in the Odyssey, and the
appearance of the term βασίλεια and of others in a similar category,
need not qualify the proposition above laid down with respect to the
βασιλεὺς of the Iliad. He, as we shall see from the facts of the poem,
stands in a different position, and presents to us a living picture of
the true heroic age[41].
[41] I need hardly express my dissent from the account given of the
βασιλεὺς and ἄναξ in the note on Grote’s History of Greece, vol. II.
p. 84. There is no race in Troas called βασιλεύτατον. Every
βασιλεὺς was an ἄναξ; but many an ἄναξ was not a βασιλεύς. It is true
that an ἄναξ might be ἄναξ either of freemen or of slaves; but so he
might of houses (Od. i. 397), of fishes (Il. xiii. 28), or of dogs (Od.
xvii. 318).
~_Altered idea of the Kingly office._~
This change in the meaning of the word King was accompanied by
a corresponding change in the idea of the great office which it
betokened. It had descended from a more noble to a less noble type. I
do not mean by this that it had now first submitted to limitations. The
βασιλεὺς of the Greeks was always and essentially limited: and hence
probably it was, that the usurper of sole and indefinite power in the
state was so essentially and deeply odious to the Greeks, because it
was felt that he had plundered the people of a treasure, namely, free
government, which they and their early forefathers had possessed from
time immemorial.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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