The accomplishment ratio : $b A treatment of the inherited determinants of disparity in school productFranzen, Raymond
Science
The accomplishment ratio : $b A treatment of the inherited determinants of disparity in school product
Franzen, Raymond
Ability -- Testing; Educational psychology; Educational tests and measurements
The need to clarify our view on what is inherited and what is due to
environment can be clearly envisaged in terms of our teachers. Whatever
psychologists may mean by “predisposition to ability” it is quite certain
that teachers make no distinction between this and the inheritance
of a capacity. They feel that some children figure better than they
read, and others read better than they figure, “by nature,” and there
their obligation ends. If it is a grave matter that we shoulder the
burden of bringing a child to his optimum achievement, then it is an
immediate duty that we find how much of the failure to produce product
of one kind or another is due to unremovable factors, and how much is
due to our inadequacy. So, too, we have much loose discussion about
finding out what children can do and want to do in the way of vocational
diagnosis,—loose because it assumes that children are born with definite
vocational capacities. Certainly we can do much more in the way of
development and much more in the way of preparation for social needs if
we know just how much “predisposition to ability” means. The teacher
interprets it to mean about what was meant by the turtle that held up
Atlas who held up the world. She makes no real distinction between
predisposition to ability and specific ability, just as there was no real
causal distinction between the turtle and Atlas. She then gets at her
conception of intelligence additively,—a summation of school abilities.
The correlation of teachers’ judgment of “power of adaptation,” carefully
explained, and marks given six months previously by the same teachers
was .82. The correlation of this same average judgment with the average
of thirteen intelligence tests was only .58. These teachers obviously
reached their conclusions of the intelligence of a child in the same
way as they reached their conclusions of what marks he earned in their
subjects.
The unit characteristics which make up what we describe in terms of gross
behavior as intelligence must of course be many. No one denies that
if we knew just what these units were we could describe two possible
manifestations of what we now call intelligence, of which one person
could do one only and another person could do the other only because of
the particular combinations of the units inherited. This would constitute
inheritance of predisposition to special capacities. But it is not the
same to assume that the vocations and aptitudes desirable in a world such
as ours have specialized inherited bases. It is far more probable that
substantially the same inherited characteristics are necessary to success
in all the gross cross-sections of behavior which we call vocations and
abilities.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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