The battle-fields of Ireland, from 1688 to 1691 : $b including Limerick and Athlone, Aughrim and the Boyne. Being an outline history of the Jacobite war in Ireland, and the causes which led to it — John Shaqi
The battle-fields of Ireland, from 1688 to 1691 : $b including Limerick and Athlone, Aughrim and the Boyne. Being an outline history of the Jacobite war in Ireland, and the causes which led to itBoyle, John, active 1867
History
The battle-fields of Ireland, from 1688 to 1691 : $b including Limerick and Athlone, Aughrim and the Boyne. Being an outline history of the Jacobite war in Ireland, and the causes which led to it
Boyle, John, active 1867
Ireland -- History -- War of 1689-1691
That James knew the dangers that beset him in England, there can
scarcely be a doubt; but the measures of redress which he contemplated
being just and beneficent, he believed they would in a short time
harmonize all interests. He had faith in his own justice, but
miscalculated in attributing so noble a sense to the dominant and
intolerant nobles by whom he was surrounded, and was still more
mistaken when he expressed an abiding faith in the justice of the
English people. Yet filled with the hope of marking a glorious page
in the annals of England, he assumed the sceptre with a bold and
kingly hand. His speech before the assembled council of the nation was
all that a generous or magnanimous people could desire, and all his
subsequent acts are marked by a strict adherence to the principles
which he then enunciated. "I will endeavor," said he, "to preserve the
government of Church and State in the manner by law established. I know
that the Church of England is favorable to monarchy, and those who are
members of it have made it appear on various occasions that they were
faithful subjects. I will take particular care to defend and support
it. I know likewise that the laws of the kingdom are sufficient to make
the king as great as I could wish. As I am determined to preserve the
prerogative of my crown, so I will never deprive others of what belongs
to them. I have often hazarded my life in defence of the nation; I am
still ready to expose it to preserve its rights."
He eschewed the tendency to despotic power which his enemies
had circulated, or any design to call in question the titles or
hereditaments of such as acquired lands through the Reformation. His
object was not to disrupt but to harmonize and adjust, and blend
all interests for an onward movement in civilization. He declared
civil liberty to be the right of Catholics and Protestants alike. He
proclaimed liberty of conscience, and took immediate action to secure
it by liberating several thousand Catholics confined in the prisons
of Ireland for non-attendance on Protestant worship, and also twelve
hundred Quakers who had been imprisoned for a like offence. He declared
the abolition of all penal laws, all religious test-oaths, and even
oaths of allegiance on the assumption of civil office. He extended
the same rights to the people of Ireland and Scotland as to those
of England, and enjoined the bishops to announce in their churches
that liberty of conscience was henceforth the law of the land. Here,
'tis said, he made his first royal blunder. Proclaiming liberty of
conscience from a pulpit is hardly in accordance with that right of
denouncing heresy and schism, which every church, whether founded
on human will or divine right, has asserted from the days of Abram.
But, then, on the other hand, the Church of England, which had been
proclaiming that and every thing else the royal reformers of the last
century chose to dictate, might have announced this liberal measure of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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