Communism -- Soviet Union; Europe -- Social conditions -- 20th century; Socialism; World War, 1914-1918
If we presuppose a catastrophal Russian defeat, the war _may_ bring a
quicker outbreak of the Revolution, but at the cost of its inner
weakness. And if the Revolution should even gain the upper hand under
such circumstances, then the bayonets of the Hohenzollern armies would
be turned on the Revolution. Such a prospect can hardly fail to
paralyze Russia’s revolutionary forces; for it is impossible to deny the
fact that the party of the German proletariat stands behind the
Hohenzollern bayonets. But this is only one side of the question. The
defeat of Russia necessarily presupposes decisive victories by Germany
and Austria on the other battlefields, and this would mean the enforced
preservation of the national-political chaos in Central and Southeastern
Europe and the unlimited mastery of German militarism in all Europe.
An enforced disarmament for France, billions in indemnities, enforced
tariff walls around the conquered nations, and an enforced commercial
treaty with Russia, all this in conjunction would make German
imperialism master of the situation for many decades.
Germany’s new policy, which began with the capitulation of the party of
the proletariat to nationalistic militarism, would be strengthened for
years to come. The German working class would feed itself, materially
and spiritually, on the crumbs from the table of victorious imperialism,
while the cause of the Social Revolution would have received a mortal
blow.
That in such circumstances a Russian revolution, even if temporarily
successful, would be an historical miscarriage, needs no further proof.
Consequently, this present battling of the nations under the yoke of
militarism laid upon them by the capitalistic classes contains within
itself monstrous contrasts which neither the War itself nor the
governments directing it can solve in any way to the interest of future
historical development. The Social Democrats could not, and can not
now, combine their aims with any of the historical possibilities of this
War, that is, with either the victory of the Triple Alliance or the
victory of the Entente.
The German Social Democracy was once well aware of this. The _Vorwärts_
in its issue of July 28, discussing the very question of the war against
Czarism, said:
"But if it is not possible to localize the trouble, if Russia
should step into the field? What should our attitude toward
Czarism be then? Herein lies the great difficulty of the
situation. Has not the moment come to strike a death blow at
Czarism? If German troops cross the Russian frontier, will that
not mean the victory of the Russian Revolution?"
And the _Vorwärts_ comes to the following conclusion:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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