The Book of the Bayeux Tapestry: Presenting the Complete Work in a Series of Colour FacsimilesBelloc, Hilaire
History
The Book of the Bayeux Tapestry: Presenting the Complete Work in a Series of Colour Facsimiles
Belloc, Hilaire
Bayeux tapestry
The next two panels (31 and 32) are a very curious instance of that
reversing of the historical order by the Tapestry, of which we have
already seen a minor example in the case of the messengers sent by
William to Guy of Ponthieu. What the artist desired to do was to tell,
as a separate little story, the death and burial of Edward; _but he
conceived of it as an episode running from right to left_, and the
result is that, in the order of the Tapestry, we have the burial
actually coming _before_ the death. Take the two panels separately, read
them from right to left, and you get a consecutive story; Edward upon
his death-bed, in the upper part of the canvas, is speaking his last
words to his lieges with the women and the tonsured priests about him.
In the lower part he is represented dead. Then, in the second part, to
the left, you have the body carried to Westminster Abbey, with acolytes
ringing bells and a retinue of tonsured priests. Perhaps the hand
appearing from heaven above Westminster Abbey is designed to indicate
the sanctity of the king. Nowhere does the Tapestry follow Wace more
closely than in these episodes, and even if we had no other evidence to
guide us this portion of the Tapestry alone would be almost sufficient
to establish the connection between the poem and the embroidery.
[Illustration:
33
]
[Illustration:
34
]
Then comes the turning-point in the story, as in the series of pictures,
and it has been designed to come not quite half way in that series (the
34th out of 76 panels). Harold is offered the crown of England: accepts
it, and appears enthroned and in full regalia. To the left you have two
messengers holding the typical battle-axe of the Saxon army, and a third
messenger pointing towards the death-bed of Edward[4] with his right
hand, and with his left holding forth the crown. Next you have the same
symbolism completed with the picture of Harold enthroned as a king. The
early Middle Ages were careful to an extreme of their conventions, which
were centuries old and which linked them with Rome. To distinguish by
conventional signs between a king and a man who might be an actual ruler
but not king, to distinguish the various rituals of various decisive
ceremonies, the various accoutrements and the rest, was with them as
strict a matter as spelling is with us—I could not put it more strongly.
When, therefore, Harold is represented with the orb and cross, the
sceptre and the crown, and the long vesture of royalty, seated on the
high throne, and presented with the temporal sword, that picture is
equivalent to what some long emphatic statement would be in modern times
that such and such a man had committed himself to such and such a
political action. It means “See here! Harold did really seize the
throne!” Scholars have made some play over the presence of Stigand, the
Archbishop of Canterbury, in this panel. I may briefly put before the
reader what I make of this figure. In the first place, it is a
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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