The first French Republic : $b A study of the origin and the contents of the declaration of the rights of man, of the constitution, and of the adoption of the republican form of government in 1792Conaway, Horace Mann
History
The first French Republic : $b A study of the origin and the contents of the declaration of the rights of man, of the constitution, and of the adoption of the republican form of government in 1792
Conaway, Horace Mann
Constitutional history -- France; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; Thesis (Ph. D.)
This twelfth article was at the same time the expression of a political
theory and reactionary against past practices. It was the theory of the
framers of the Declaration of the Rights of Man that the nation was
supreme, the monarch only an hereditary administrative agent. To maintain
this status, the power of military force must be employed only for the
advantage of the nation. d’Argenson, in 1754, had complained that “Le
roi n’emploie plus ses forces que contre ses sujets.”[27] In 1771, when
the obstinate _parlement_ had been replaced by the _Grand Conseil_,
troops were used to guard this substitute which was designated “Maupeou’s
parlement,” and the people considered the whole procedure as contrary to
the French Constitution.[28] Mirabeau had also denounced the royal army
in these plain words: “Je dis que les troupes réglées sont l’instrument
du despotisme, comme leur institution en fut le signal. L’exemple de
nos voisins n’est pas une preuve contradictoire; et ne voit on pas en
effet que toute constitution en Europe est dégénérée en arbitraire et
s’accélère vers le despotisme; Les troupes réglées ont été et seront
toujours le fléau de la liberté; mais ce fléau est intolérable quand il
devient le rempart des déprédations.”[29]
The people in several of the _cahiers_ manifested fear lest the
monarch might endanger, by the use of an army, the national rights,
and consequently asked for the dismissal of foreign troops, for a new
constitution for the army, and for the destruction of internal forts.[30]
“Art. 13. A common contribution is essential for the maintenance of
the public forces and for the cost of administration. This should be
equitably distributed among all the citizens in proportion to their
means.”
The inequality of taxes was, in France, an abuse recognized and condemned
for centuries. Bodin, in his _République_, written in the sixteenth
century, criticised the exemption of the clergy and of the nobility.[31]
Already under Louis XIII., throughout two-thirds of France, where the
_taille_ was a personal tax, 2,000,000 of richer persons were exempt
from the _taille_, while 8,000,000 were taxable. D’Avenel says that the
workmen paid under Louis XIII. four and a half times as much as to-day,
though they earned much less.[32] The grievous exemptions continued
so that the Third Estate during the eighteenth century supported the
chief burden of royal taxes and was subjected to onerous feudal dues
besides.[33]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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