The first French Republic : $b A study of the origin and the contents of the declaration of the rights of man, of the constitution, and of the adoption of the republican form of government in 1792Conaway, Horace Mann
History
The first French Republic : $b A study of the origin and the contents of the declaration of the rights of man, of the constitution, and of the adoption of the republican form of government in 1792
Conaway, Horace Mann
Constitutional history -- France; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; Thesis (Ph. D.)
The Physiocrats advocated as a remedy for this injustice a system which
should make the taxes proportionate to each one’s productive riches.
Turgot, taking the first step towards the realization of this idea, said,
in defense of his proposal for the abolition of _corvées_, February,
1776: “The expenses of government having for their object the interest
of all, all should contribute to them; and the more one enjoys the
advantages of society, the more one should regard himself honored in
sharing the expenses.[34] But his efforts were vain; for the privileged
classes esteemed their exemptions too highly to submit tamely to a
burdensome reform; hence they stubbornly persisted in their resistance to
innovations in the customary methods of collecting taxes. Nevertheless
there was a growing sentiment in favor of reform;[35] so that when the
_cahiers_ of 1789 were prepared, the majority of those of the higher
orders acceded to an equal partition in the burdens of the fisc.[36]
“Art. 14. All the citizens have a right to decide, either personally or
by their representatives, upon the necessity of the public contribution;
to grant this freely; to know to what uses it is put, and to fix the
proportion, the mode of assessment and of collection, and the duration of
the taxes.”
The French monarch, as in other European countries, from the time that
the royal domains were found insufficient to meet the governmental
expenses, was engaged in a continual struggle with the nation over the
right to grant subsidies. The nation asserted only sporadically and
incoherently its right to vote these supplies. For the French did not
manifest that persistent and determined resistance to appropriations,
unrequited by redress of political grievances, which their English
neighbors exhibited so often and in such a marked degree. Nevertheless,
during a minority or under a weak monarch, when able popular leaders
flourished, the cause of the people was more stubbornly maintained. The
States General claimed this guardianship in earlier days; but in the two
centuries previous to the Revolution it was the _Parlement_ of Paris
that contended with increasing vigor and obstinacy against the arbitrary
exactions of the king. As a final resort, it asserted, July 30, 1787,
that “le principe constitutionnel de la monarchie française était que les
impôts fussent consentis par ceux qui devraient les supporter.”[37] The
continued and inextricable confusion of finances was the immediate cause
of the calling of the Notables, and later of the States General. So far
had the public sentiment reacted against the actual fiscal mismanagement,
that the _cashier_ were well-nigh unanimous in seeking for the nation the
right to grant subsidies.[38]
“Art. 15. Society has a right to require of every public agent an account
of his administration.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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