France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
As it was, her energy was not only abundant but steadfast; it grew more
secure in its action as it increased with her years, and the initiative
which gave that energy its course never vacillated, but was always
direct. She knew her own mind, and she attempted, often with a partial
success, to realise her convictions. There was no character in touch
with the Executive during the first years of the Revolution comparable
to hers for fixity of purpose and definition of view.
It was due to this energy and singleness of aim that her
misunderstanding of the material with which she had to deal was of such
fatal importance.
It was she who chose, before the outbreak of the Revolution, the
succession of those ministers both Liberal and Reactionary, whose unwise
plans upon either side precipitated violence. It was she who called and
then revoked, and later recalled to office the wealthy and
over-estimated Necker; she who substituted for him, and then so
inopportunely threw over Calonne, the most national of the precursors of
the Revolution, and ever after her most bitter enemy; it was she who
advised the more particularly irritating details of resistance after the
meeting of the first revolutionary Parliament; it was she who presided
over (and helped to warp) the plans for the flight of the royal family;
it was she who, after this flight had failed, framed a definite scheme
for the coercion of the French people by the Governments of Europe; it
was she who betrayed to foreign chanceries the French plan of campaign
when war had become inevitable; finally, it was she who inspired the
declaration of Brunswick which accompanied the invasion of French
territory, and she was in particular the author of the famous threat
therein contained to give over Paris to military execution, and to hold
all the popular authorities responsible with their lives for the
restoration of the pre-revolutionary state of affairs.
As research proceeds, the capital effect of this woman’s continual and
decided interference will be more and more apparent to historians.
Now Marie Antoinette’s conception of mankind in general was the
conception that you will find prevalent in such societies as that
domestic and warm centre which had nourished her childhood. The romantic
affection of a few equals, the personal loyalty of a handful of personal
servants, the vague histrionic content which permeates the poor at the
sight of great equipages and rich accoutrements, the cheers of a crowd
when such symbols accompanying monarchy are displayed in the
streets--all these were for Marie Antoinette the fundamental political
feelings of mankind. An absence of them she regarded with bewilderment,
an active opposition to them she hated as something at once
incomprehensible and positively evil.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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