France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
Now the Crown, on the whole national in sympathy, and comprehending this
new theory well (I mean by the Crown the general body of advisers round
the King, and the King himself), was offended at the illegality not of
the theory or of the pretence (for these were not illegal), but of the
action of the Commons. And this comparatively small source of friction
was the irritant upon which we must fix as the cause of what followed.
The Nobles, by 108 to 47, decided, the day after the opening of the
Parliament, to sit as a separate House. The Clergy, by a much smaller
majority, 133 to 114, came to the same decision, but carefully qualified
it as provisional. The Commons declared that the hall in which they met
should be regarded as the hall of the National Assembly, and later made
it their business (to quote the phrase of the motion) “to attempt to
unite in common all the deputies of the nation in that hall and never to
abandon the principle of voting individually” (that is, not by separate
Houses) “or the principle that the States-General formed one undivided
body.” This attitude was qualified and compromised with to some extent
in the days that followed, but it held the field, and while the Commons
were insisting upon this attitude as a moral right, the Nobles countered
by a reaffirmation of the right of each House to a separate judgment
upon public matters. The Nobles were standing upon legal precedent: the
Commons had nothing in their favour but political theory; if the orders
sat all together and voted as individuals, the Commons, who were in
number equal to the two other Houses combined, would, with their noble
and clerical sympathisers, have a majority.
Now the King and his advisers, notably Necker, who still had great
weight, were by no means “Impossiblists” in this struggle. They desired
an understanding, and through the last days of May and the first days of
June the attempt at an understanding was made. But the attempt dragged,
and as it seemed that nothing would come of it, on the 10th of June
Sièyes moved that the Assembly should “verify its powers” (a French
phrase for admitting and registering the presence of each member as
acceptable to the whole body, and to the theory of its Constitution),
and that this should be done “in the case of each member” (meaning
members of all the three orders and _not_ of the Commons alone),
“whether the members of the two privileged Houses were present or
absent.” The roll was called and completed upon the 15th. None of the
nobles attended the common roll-call, three of the parish clergy (they
were from the province of Poitou) did so, and thus admitted the right of
the Commons so to act. A dozen of their colleagues joined them later;
but that was all.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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