France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
So far there had been no action which could be precisely called illegal
or revolutionary. The Commons had affirmed a right based upon a
political theory which the vast majority of the nation admitted, and the
legal depositary of power, the King, had not yet reproved. One may draw
a parallel and compare the action of the Commons so far to some action
which a trade union, for instance, may take in England; some action the
legality of which is doubtful but upon which the courts have not yet
decided.
It was upon the 17th of June, two days after the completion of the
roll-call by the Commons, that the first revolutionary act took place,
and the student of the Revolution will do well to put his finger upon
that date and to regard it not indeed as the moral origin of the
movement, but as the precise moment from which the Revolution, as a
Revolution, begins to act. For upon that day the Commons, though in fact
only joined by a handful of the Clerical House, and by none of the
nobility, _declared themselves to be the National Assembly_; that is,
asserted the fiction that Clergy, Nobles and Commons were all present
and voted together. To this declaration they added a definite act of
sovereignty which trespassed upon and contradicted the legal authority
of the Crown. True, the motion was only moved and passed
“provisionally,” but the words used were final, for in this motion the
self-styled “National Assembly” declared that “provisionally” taxes and
dues might be raised upon the old authority but that only until the
National Assembly should disperse; “after which day”--and here we reach
the sacramental formula, as it were, of the crisis--“the National
Assembly _wills and decrees_ that all taxes and dues of whatever nature
which have not been specifically formally and freely granted by the said
Assembly shall cease in every province of the kingdom no matter how such
that province may be administered.” (This is an allusion to the fact
that in some provinces there was a representative machinery, in others
nothing but the direct action of the Crown.) “The Assembly declares that
when it has _in concert with_ (not in obedience to) the King laid down
the principle of a national re-settlement, it will busy itself with the
examination and ordering of the public debt.” Etc., etc.
Such was the point of departure after which sovereignty was at issue
between the Crown and the States-General; the Crown a known institution
with its traditions stretching back to the Roman Empire, and the
National Assembly a wholly new organ according to its own claims, basing
its authority upon a political theory stretching back to the very
origins of human society.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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