SCHOOLS such as those in Gary, with their elaborate equipment and
special school enterprises, obviously require methods of financing
radically different from those of the ordinary public school. It is,
perhaps, this problem of how a small and relatively poor city like Gary
could afford to maintain such schools that has aroused the interest of
practical school men in the Gary plan. When the public schools were
first started in the new town, the authorities found themselves in a
peculiarly difficult situation, owing to the limited funds at hand and
the demands of a rapidly increasing population. The conventional method
of meeting the situation would have been to erect inferior buildings, to
omit playgrounds, laboratories, workshops, to employ cheap teachers, to
increase the size of classes, to limit the yearly term, or else to try
to accommodate all the children in a few buildings on half-time work.
These have been the methods which our large cities have almost
universally felt themselves obliged to adopt when confronted with these
problems of economy and congestion.
The other possible method—and this seems to be the unique contribution
of the Gary plan to the economics of education—was to treat the public
school as a public service, and apply to it all those principles of
scientific direction which have been perfected for the public use of
railroads, telephones, parks, and other “public utilities.” The new city
of Gary could create thoroughly modern, completely equipped school
plants, and operate them so as to get the maximum of service from them.
Superintendent Wirt and the school board believed that this plan would
be the true economy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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