The Grandeur That Was Rome: a survey of Roman culture and civilisationStobart, J. C. (John Clarke)
History
The Grandeur That Was Rome: a survey of Roman culture and civilisation
Stobart, J. C. (John Clarke)
Rome -- Civilization; Rome -- History
_principes_--had required a full suit of armour and it was only the
richest who could afford it. Now the whole army had to be properly
equipped, and this reacted upon the social and political system of the
city.
THE CONSTITUTION
In ancient times a man’s rights as citizen depended entirely upon his
duties as a soldier. The _comitium_ was the army, and the preponderance
of voting power went to the rich who could afford a panoply. Now the
soldiers were equalised and therefore the citizens claimed equality.
We cannot put much faith in Livy’s story of the struggle between the
two orders for political equality; the details, which include elaborate
reports of the speeches delivered, are clearly free compositions based
upon much later controversies between the republicans and democrats
of Livy’s own earlier days. There is a great deal of confusion and
contradiction in the accounts of the various legislative measures
by which the plebeians were gradually admitted to equality with the
patricians. But the story of the Secession of the Plebs--there are
two such stories, but probably that is the result of duplication--is
so distinctive and peculiarly Roman that it scarcely seems like an
invention. To put it shortly, the plebeians won their rights by means
of that very modern weapon--a strike. Being refused the rights for
which they were agitating, they refused to join the citizen levy, but
marched out under arms to the neighbouring Sacred Mount, and threatened
to set up a new Rome of their own there. The political instinct was
healthy and strong among them: the plebeians formed themselves into a
second corporation organised like the patricians. Where the patricians
had their two consuls with two prætors under them, the plebeians
had their two tribunes and two ædiles. Where the patrician army had
its _comitium_ meeting in groups called “curies,” the plebeians had
their assembly meeting in tribes. So the new magistracies and the new
meetings became part and parcel of the Roman republic. The tribunes
were protected not so much by laws as by an oath: their persons were
declared sacred, and they had the right to thrust their sacred persons
between the plebeian offender and the consul’s lictor who came to
arrest him, thus expressing the ultimate sovereignty of the army of
Roman citizens. That is, in broad outline, how the story of political
equality at Rome has come down to us. But it must not be supposed
that even now the Roman republic was in anything but externals like
the Greek democracy. The Roman _comitia_ never debated like the
Athenian _ecclesia_. They assembled to listen to such speeches as the
magistrates or their invited friends might choose to make upon topics
which had previously been selected, discussed and decreed by the
senate; they were there to ratify the senate’s decisions with “Yes” or
“No.” Even then they did not vote as individuals; each “century,” each
“cury,” or each “tribe,” according to the form of meeting summoned,
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