"Under these circumstances the course of procedure and demands of
the Austro-Hungarian Government can only be regarded as justified.
In spite of that, the attitude which public opinion as well as the
Government in Serbia have recently adopted does not exclude the
apprehension that the Serbian Government might refuse to comply
with those demands, and might even allow themselves to be carried
away into a provocative attitude towards Austria-Hungary. The
Austro-Hungarian Government, if they do not wish definitely to
abandon Austria's position as a Great Power, would then have no
choice but to obtain the fulfilment of their demands from the
Serbian Government by strong pressure, and, if necessary, by using
military measures, the choice of the means having to be left to
them.... The German Government consider that in the present case
there is only question of a matter to be settled exclusively
between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, and that the Great Powers ought
seriously to endeavour to restrict it to those two immediately
concerned.
"The German Government desire urgently the localisation of the
dispute, because every interference of another Power would, owing
to the natural play of alliances, be followed by incalculable
consequences...."[88]
A note of similar effect was left with Sir Edward Grey by the German
Ambassador in London.[89]
Now the details of the Ultimatum to Serbia were only communicated to the
French and Russian Governments on July 24, 1914, after 10 o'clock in the
morning (nearly 17 hours after they had been delivered to Serbia), and
presumably they were communicated to all the other Governments at about
the same time. Germany would have us believe that she received the
contents at the same time and on the same day as the other Governments.
Yet, a few hours later, the German Ambassador in Paris is able, on
instructions from his Government, to present a detailed note and to
argue the matter in all its bearings. That is to say, Germany would have
us believe that the Kaiser and his Ministers received the contents of
the Ultimatum in the morning, and, almost within a few minutes, gathered
together and discussed a question which they knew, if not carefully
handled, must mean a European war; pretend that it was a matter to be
settled exclusively between Austria-Hungary and Serbia; and promptly
instruct their Ambassador in Paris to the minutest details.
As the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs remarked to the British
Ambassador in Petrograd on this fateful morning, "Austria's conduct was
both provocative and immoral; she would never have taken such action
unless Germany had first been consulted."[90]
It has since been proved that Germany and Austria were parties not only
to this, but to an exactly similar conspiracy which took place twelve
months before.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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