The historians' history of the world in twenty-five volumes, volume 08 : $b Parthians, Sassanids and Arabs; the Crusades and the Papacy
History
The historians' history of the world in twenty-five volumes, volume 08 : $b Parthians, Sassanids and Arabs; the Crusades and the Papacy
World history
The Arabs of that period knew how to conquer and to hold fast what they
had won; for organisation they had less aptitude. Wherever they could
they left administration, and taxation more especially, as they found it.
At first the register of taxes was kept in Greek in the former dominions
of Rome, and in Persian in those of Persia; and not until after more than
half a century did the Arabic language become predominant in official
book-keeping. The Omayyads had gained the mastery by the loyalty of
the Arabs of Syria; they were tied to Syria, and the great tracts of
territory to the east were hard to rule from thence. Moreover the Moslems
of Babylonia, in many respects a more important province, were on the
whole hostile to them. And, what was worse, the old lack of discipline
among the Arabs had manifested itself strongly in a new form. Instead
of small clans being at feud with one another, as had usually been the
case in former days, they had ranged themselves in large and mutually
hostile groups. One of these was composed of the Arabs of Yemen (real or
reputed), two others of the tribes which claimed descent from Ishmael,
the Mudhar and Rabia. If a caliph or a caliph’s vicegerent sided with the
Yemen he had the Mudhar against him; if he favoured the Rabia the Mudhar
were likewise hostile, etc. In the remoter provinces the hostile Arabs
sometimes waged regular wars with one another on their own account. To
add to this, there were risings of fanatics of various kinds. None but
the ablest of the Omayyads (and on the whole they were an able dynasty)
could maintain even tolerable order in the vast empire which extended its
borders farther and farther when once the civil wars were over. The brief
reign of a weakling or a libertine was enough to spoil everything. The
purely Arab empire lacked the elements of stability.
Meanwhile, however, great masses of the conquered peoples had gone over
to Islam. Temporal advantages on the one hand, and on the other the
suitability of this coarse-grained religion to the Semites, and probably
to the less educated Egyptians too, led steadily to the abandonment of a
Christianity which in these parts was but little superior to Islam. But
in Iran also the new religion soon made great advances on its own merits,
though in some places (it must be admitted) very much at the expense of
the purity of its pristine character. The national pride of the Arabs
could not endure the practical application of the theoretical precept
of Islam that all believers should be on an absolutely equal footing.
The new converts remained Moslems of the second class, and, in certain
districts at least, they felt the distinction bitterly. Even at the time
of the second great civil war these so-called “clients” (_mawali_) had
on one occasion played a prominent part, though only as the tools of an
ambitious Arab.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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