IV. The fourth group includes the literature of current and party politics, vast, fugitive, here to-day and gone to-morrow, but of an importance never imagined by students who have staked their hopes on understanding our system by a study of “The Federalist.” Party platforms, national, State, and local, campaign text-books, campaign speeches; broadsides, cartoons, posters, and handbills; pamphlets published by partisan and non-partisan associations; interviews in the press; articles in magazines, and a thousand other devices by which political issues are raised and public consciousness aroused, ought to be watched with close scrutiny by the teacher of government faithful to his calling. A collection of ballots should be made showing what the voter has to do on election day, and copies of instructions to voters should be filed away. A hundred other things will be suggested at once to the alert teacher, so that I need not continue the catalogue, but will close the general appeal “Back to the Sources.” The Recent Revolution in Turkey[2] BY JOHN HAYNES, PH.D. For years the history of Turkey was a monotonous tale of domestic disorder and foreign intervention. There was endless turmoil among the warring races and religions of Macedonia, and from time to time some dreadful outrage against the Armenians of Asiatic Turkey. The nations of Europe were constantly seeking reparation for wrongs done to their citizens or urging reforms for the benefit of the Sultan’s Christian subjects. It seemed only a question of time when Turkey would be blotted from the map by the powers of Europe. Suddenly in July, 1908, it was announced that the constitution of 1876, which was “suspended” after being in force a short time, had been restored. Only the party known as the Young Turks were prepared for such an occurrence. For thirty years they had labored for the overthrow of the misrule of Sultan Abdul Hamid II. Their headquarters had been in Paris, but since 1904 they had been forming revolutionary organizations in Turkey under a central body called the Committee of Union and Progress. The support of the movement came from the professional classes and from progressive officers in the army, without whose help it could not have succeeded. Some days before the proclamation of the constitution, the Sultan learned of disaffection in the army of European Turkey, and vainly tried to quell it. Then being informed that unless he granted a constitution thirty thousand soldiers would march upon Constantinople, he yielded. A new ministry was formed under Kiamil Pasha, and many of the tools of the Sultan fled the country. In many cities there were extravagant manifestations of rejoicing, in which Moslems and Christians participated together.