Viscount Bryce asserts that “the Brazilian lower classes intermarry freely with the black people, the Brazilian middle classes intermarry with mulattoes and quadroons”; and intimates that three-fourths white is white enough for Brazilians and Portuguese. The Journal of Heredity, October, 1916, contains a statement by Maynard W. Metcalf that the union of the races is inevitable; and to the same effect speak the Literary Digest of October, 1917, and the Century Magazine of March, 1903. In the “Future of Evolution” race-blending in the South is taken for granted; the Mercure de France for August, 1922, finds much hope for France from an infusion of African blood, declaring that the French people betray no antipathy to the color of the men from Algeria, Morocco or Tunis; and that all are “welded into lasting French cement,” a condition vouched for by our soldiers returning from France. [Illustration: ROBERT WATSON WINSTON (_White_) Formerly Judge of the Superior Court of North Carolina] Reuter in “The Mulatto in the United States” implies that race-blending will take place if the color line and race segregation are not maintained: “Where no color line has been formally drawn against them they have tended to ally themselves with the superior race--during the process of reduction to a mongrel unity; it is biracial adjustment that keeps them apart.” One writer has asserted that all religions come from the black race; that extreme white and extreme black are departures, and that Adam, as his name signifies, was made of red earth. We must conclude, therefore, that eventually the two races in America will blend if they be placed on social and political equality, and if they are in fact homogeneous. Are Southern whites and blacks socially and politically equal? Are they homogeneous? And now we touch the first sore spot. We of the South generally maintain that the negro is a free man, and that the law bears on white and black alike, when we must know that this is not the fact. Is a man free who cannot vote, hold office or serve on the jury; is he free when he must ride in second-class coaches, sit in the gallery at public places, occupy rear seats of electric cars and flee for his life when suspected of being a dangerous character? Is a race free which has been battered into submission by whippings and lynchings, and which has no part in governmental affairs? Can man or race be free with a spirit in chains? And does it lie in the mouth of the white man to charge that the negro is but a race of bootblacks, when we have confined him to the task of blacking our boots? FACING THE FACTS