The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
deliberate on the object of the supplies, and will grant or not grant as
they approve or disapprove of it. The delinquency of one will invite and
countenance it in others. Quotas too must in the nature of things be so
unequal as to produce the same evil. To what standard will you resort?
Land is a fallacious one. Compare Holland with Russia; France or Eng^d
with other countries of Europe, Pen^a with N. Carol^a will the relative
pecuniary abilities in those instances, correspond with the relative
value of land. Take numbers of inhabitants for the rule and make like
comparison of different countries, and you will find it to be equally
unjust. The different degrees of industry and improvement in different
Countries render the first object a precarious measure of wealth. Much
depends too on _situation_. Con^t N. Jersey & N. Carolina, not being
commercial States & contributing to the wealth of the Commercial ones,
can never bear quotas assessed by the ordinary rules of proportion. They
will & must fail in their duty, their example will be followed, and the
union itself be dissolved. Whence then is the national revenue to be
drawn? from Commerce; even from exports which notwithstanding the
co[~m]on opinion are fit objects of moderate taxation, from excise, &c
&c. These tho' not equal, are less unequal than quotas. Another
destructive ingredient in the plan, is that equality of suffrage which
is so much desired by the small States. It is not in human nature that
V^a & the large States should consent to it, or if they did that they
sh^d long abide by it. It shocks too much all ideas of Justice, and
every human feeling. Bad principles in a Gov^t tho slow are sure in
their operation, and will gradually destroy it. A doubt has been raised
whether Cong^s at present have a right to keep Ships or troops in time
of peace. He leans to the negative. Mr. P'^s plan provides no
remedy.--If the powers proposed were adequate, the organization of
Cong^s is such that they could never be properly & effectually
exercised. The members of Cong^s being chosen by the States & subject to
recall, represent all the local prejudices. Should the powers be found
effectual, they will from time to time be heaped on them, till a
tyrannic sway shall be established. The general power whatever be its
form if it preserves itself, must swallow up the State powers. Otherwise
it will be swallowed up by them. It is ag^{st} all the principles of a
good Government to vest the requisite powers in such a body as Cong^s.
Two Sovereignties can not co-exist within the same limits. Giving powers
to Cong^s must eventuate in a bad Gov^t or in no Gov^t. The plan of N.
Jersey therefore will not do. What then is to be done? Here he was
embarrassed. The extent of the Country to be governed, discouraged him.
The expence of a general Gov^t was also formidable; unless there were
such a diminution of expence on the side of the State Gov^{ts} as the
case would admit.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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