The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 2Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 2
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
M^r Gov^r Morris. Of all possible modes of appointment that by the
Legislature is the worst. If the Legislature is to appoint, and to
impeach or to influence the impeachment, the Executive will be the mere
creature of it. He had been opposed to the impeachment but was now
convinced that impeachments must be provided for, if the app^t was to be
of any duration. No man w^d say, that an Executive known to be in the
pay of an Enemy, should not be removable in some way or other. He had
been charged heretofore (by Col. Mason) with inconsistency in pleading
for confidence in the Legislature on some occasions, & urging a distrust
on others. The charge was not well founded. The Legislature is worthy of
unbounded confidence in some respects, and liable to equal distrust in
others. When their interest coincides precisely with that of their
Constituents, as happens in many of their Acts, no abuse of trust is to
be apprehended. When a strong personal interest happens to be opposed to
the general interest, the Legislature cannot be too much distrusted. In
all public bodies there are two parties. The Executive will necessarily
be more connected with one than with the other. There will be a personal
interest therefore in one of the parties to oppose as well as in the
other to support him. Much had been said of the intrigues, that will be
practised by the Executive to get into office. Nothing had been said on
the other side of the intrigues to get him out of office. Some leader of
a party will always covet his seat, will perplex his administration,
will cabal with the Legislature, till he succeeds in supplanting him.
This was the way in which the King of England was got out, he meant the
real King, the Minister. This was the way in which Pitt (L^d Chatham)
forced himself into place. Fox was for pushing the matter still farther.
If he had carried his India bill, which he was very near doing, he would
have made the Minister, the King in form almost as well as in substance.
Our President will be the British Minister, yet we are about to make him
appointable by the Legislature. Something had been said of the danger of
Monarchy. If a good government should not now be formed, if a good
organization of the Executive should not be provided, he doubted whether
we should not have something worse than a limited monarchy. In order to
get rid of the dependence of the Executive on the Legislature, the
expedient of making him ineligible a 2^d time had been devised. This was
as much as to say we sh^d give him the benefit of experience, and then
deprive ourselves of the use of it. But make him ineligible a 2^d
time--and prolong his duration even to 15 years, will he by any
wonderful interposition of providence at that period cease to be a man?
No he will be unwilling to quit his exaltation, the road to his object
thro' the Constitution will be shut; he will be in possession of the
sword, a civil war will ensue, and the Co[~m]ander of the victorious
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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