The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 2Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 2
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
The love of fame is the great spring to
noble & illustrious actions. Shut the Civil road to Glory & he may be
compelled to seek it by the sword. 2. It will tempt him to make the most
of the short space of time allotted him, to accumulate wealth and
provide for his friends. 3. It will produce violations of the very
constitution it is meant to secure. In moments of pressing danger the
tried abilities and established character of a favorite magistrate will
prevail over respect for the forms of the Constitution. The Executive is
also to be impeachable. This is a dangerous part of the plan. It will
hold him in such dependence that he will be no check on the Legislature,
will not be a firm guardian of the people and of the public interest. He
will be the tool of a faction, of some leading demagogue in the
Legislature. These then are the faults of the Executive establishment as
now proposed. Can no better establish^t be devised? If he is to be the
Guardian of the people let him be appointed by the people? If he is to
be a check on the Legislature let him not be impeachable. Let him be of
short duration, that he may with propriety be re-eligible. It has been
said that the candidates for this office will not be known to the
people. If they be known to the Legislature, they must have such a
notoriety and eminence of Character, that they cannot possibly be
unknown to the people at large. It cannot be possible that a man shall
have sufficiently distinguished himself to merit this high trust without
having his character proclaimed by fame throughout the Empire. As to the
danger from an Unimpeachable magistrate he could not regard it as
formidable. There must be certain great Officers of State; a minister of
finance, of war, of foreign affairs &c. These he presumes will exercise
their functions in subordination to the Executive, and will be amenable
by impeachment to the Public Justice. Without these ministers the
Executive can do nothing of consequence. He suggested a biennial
election of the Executive at the time of electing the 1^{st} branch, and
the Executive to hold over, so as to prevent any interregnum in the
administration. An election by the people at large throughout so great
an extent of country could not be influenced by those little
combinations and those momentary lies, which often decide popular
elections within a narrow sphere. It will probably, be objected that the
election will be influenced by the members of the Legislature;
particularly of the 1^{st} branch, and that it will be nearly the same
thing with an election by the Legislature itself. It could not be denied
that such an influence would exist. But it might be answered that as the
Legislature or the candidates for it would be divided, the enmity of one
part would counteract the friendship of another; that if the
administration of the Executive were good, it would be unpopular to
oppose his re-election, if bad it ought to be opposed & a reappointm^t
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