2. A Representative Assembly with a right to vote the Budget.
As regards the debt there are three loans, secured by special
mortgages; two on land, and one on the railroads. Let the mortgagees
take these securities, when the loans would be converted into
companies, and the interest on them not be dependent upon any
political arrangement. Rothschild has always told me that the
domains, on which his loan of £400,000,000 is secured, are worth
£400,500,000. By handing over to him the security, £500,000 would
therefore be obtained.
As regards the General Debt (the United), it is a swindle, but
without going into this it might be regarded as the general debt of
the country, and the Egyptians, like any other nation, would be left
to pay or not as they pleased.
The main swindle of the Goschen-Rivers-Wilson scheme was that the
fellahs had paid £17,000,000 to free the land from a portion of the
land tax after 1886. The law which partially liberated the land was
abrogated, and, instead of the fellahs being treated like
bondholders, although they had paid cash, whereas the latter had
really paid about 20% on the value of the bonds, they were told that
as a _quid pro quo_ they would receive 1% on their £17,000,000 for
fifty years. The Canal question is nonsense. If we hold the Red Sea
we hold the Canal, in the sense that we can stop all traffic. If we
are at war with a maritime power, either we should have the command
of the Mediterranean or we should not. In the latter case, we should
still by our hold on the Red Sea be able to close the Canal; in the
former case we should be able not only to close it to others, but to
use it for our own powers. Protocols and treaties are waste paper,
they never hold against the exigencies of a belligerent; and, if we
were at war with one maritime power, we should not have the others
interfering to maintain our treaty rights, for, differing on many
things, all continental powers regard us as the bullies {207} of the
ocean. An English garrison at Port Said is a reality; as we are not
likely to have one there, our best plan is to leave things alone,
and, in the event of a serious maritime war, at once to occupy Port
Said.
The interests of the Egyptian exiles also claimed Mr. Labouchere's
attention. We find him in March putting searching questions as to
their precise legal status, demanding satisfactory evidence of their
support being adequately provided for, and enquiring why the Egyptian
Government had unlawfully deprived Arabi of his title of Pasha.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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