The Life of Samuel Taylor Coleridge: 1838Gillman, James
General
The Life of Samuel Taylor Coleridge: 1838
Gillman, James
Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 1772-1834; Critics -- Great Britain -- Biography; Poets, English -- 19th century -- Biography
Then the abuse assumes all the credit and popularity of a reform. The
very idea of purity and disinterestedness in politics falls into
disrepute, and is considered as a vision of hot and inexperienced men;
and thus disorders become incurable, not by the virulence of their own
quality, but by the unapt and violent nature of the remedies."
('Burke's speech on the 11th of February, 1780'.)
TO MY READERS.
"Conscious that I am about to deliver my sentiments on a subject of
the utmost delicacy, I have selected the general motto to all my
political lucubrations, from an authority equally respected by both
parties. I have taken it from an orator, whose eloquence enables
Englishmen to repeat the name of Demosthenes and Cicero, without
humiliation; from a statesman, who has left to our language a bequest
of glory unrivalled and all our own, in the keen-eyed, yet far-sighted
genius, with which he has made the profoundest general principles of
political wisdom, and even the recondite laws of human passions, bear
upon particular measures and passing events. While of the harangues of
Pitt, Fox, and their compeers on the most important occurrences, we
retain a few unsatisfactory fragments alone, the very flies and weeds
of Burke shine to us through the purest amber, imperishably enshrined,
and valuable from the precious material of their embalment. I have
extracted the passage not from that Burke, whose latter exertions have
rendered his works venerable as oracular voices from the sepulchre of
a patriarch, to the upholders of the government and society in their
existing state and order; but from a speech delivered by him while he
was the most beloved, the proudest name with the more anxious friends
of liberty; while he was the darling of those who, believing mankind
to have been improved, are desirous to give to forms of government a
similar progression. From the same anxiety, I have been led to
introduce my opinions on this most hazardous subject, by a preface of
a somewhat personal character. And though the title of my address is
general, yet, I own, I direct myself more particularly to those among
my readers, who, from various printed and unprinted calumnies, have
judged most unfavourably of my political tenets; aid to those whose
favour I have chanced to win in consequence of a similar, though not
equal mistake. To both, I affirm, that the opinions and arguments, I
am about to detail, have been the settled convictions of my mind for
the last ten or twelve years, with some brief intervals of
fluctuation, and those only in lesser points, and known only to the
companions of my fire-side. From both and from all my readers, I
solicit a gracious attention to the following explanations: first, on
the congruity of the following numbers, with the general plan and
object of 'The Friend;' and secondly, on the charge of arrogance or
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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