The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of MankindGobineau, Arthur, comte de
Philosophy
The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of Mankind
To the statesman, the student of history, and the general reader, it is
hoped that this volume will not be altogether useless, and may assist to
a better understanding of many of the problems that have so long puzzled
the philosopher. The greatest revolutions in national relations have
been accomplished by the migrations of races, the most calamitous wars
that have desolated the globe have been the result of the hostility of
races. Even now, a cloud is lowering in the horizon. The friend of peace
and order watches it with silent anxiety, lest he hasten its coming. The
spirit of mischief exults in its approach, but fears to betray his
plans. Thus, western and central Europe now present the spectacle of a
lull before the storm. Monarchs sit trembling on their thrones, while
nations mutter curses. Nor have premonitory symptoms been wanting. Three
times, within little more than half a century, have the eruptions of
that ever-burning political volcano--France--shaken the social and
political system of the civilized world, and shown the amount of
combustible materials, which all the efforts of a ruling class cannot
always protect from ignition. The grand catastrophe may come within our
times. And, is it the result of any particular social condition, the
action of any particular class in the social scale, the diffusion of any
particular political principles? No, because the revolutionary
tendencies are various, and even opposite; if republican in one place,
monarchical in another; if democratic in France, aristocratic in Poland.
Nor is it a particular social class wherein the revolutionary principle
flourishes, for the classes which, in one country, wish subversion, in
another, are firmly attached to the established order of things. The
poor in Germany are proletarians and revolutionists; in Spain, Portugal,
and Italy, the enthusiastic lovers of their king. The better classes in
the former country are mostly conservative; in the latter, they are the
makers, or rather attempters, of revolutions. Nor is it any particular
social condition, for no class is so degraded as it has been; never was
poverty less, and prosperity greater in Europe than in the present
century; and everywhere the political institutions are more liberal than
ever before. Whence, then, this gathering storm? Does it exist only in
the minds of the visionary, or is it a mere bugbear of the timorous? Ask
the prudent statesman, the traveller who pierces the different strata of
the population; look behind the grates of the State-prisons; count--if
this be possible--the number of victims of military executions in
Germany and Austria, in 1848 and 1849; read the fearful accounts of the
taking of Vienna, of Rome, of Ancona, of Venice, during the same short
space of time. Everywhere the same cry: Nationality. It is not the
temporary ravings of a mob rendered frantic by hunger and misery. It is
a question of nationality, a war of races. Happy we who are removed from
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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