The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of MankindGobineau, Arthur, comte de
Philosophy
The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of Mankind
[36] There seem, at first sight, to be exceptions to the truth of the
assertion, that luxury, in itself, is not productive of national ruin.
Venice, Genoa, Pisa, etc., were _aristocratic_ republics, in which, as
in monarchies, a high degree of luxury is not only compatible with, but
may even be greatly conducive to the prosperity of the state. But the
basis of a _democratic_ republic is a more or less perfect equality
among its citizens, which is often impaired, and, in the end, subverted
by too great a disparity of wealth. Yet, even in them, glaring contrasts
between extravagant luxury and abject poverty are rather the sign than
the cause, of the disappearance of democratic principles. Examples might
be adduced from history, of democracies in which great wealth did not
destroy democratic ideas and a consequent simplicity of manners. These
ideas must first be forgotten, before wealth can produce luxury, and
luxury its attendant train of evils. Though accelerating the downfall of
a democratic republic, it is therefore not the primary cause of that
downfall.--H.
[37] Balzac, _Lettre à Madame la Duchesse de Montausier_.
[38] That this stricture is not too severe will be obvious to any one
who reflects on the principles upon which this legislation was based.
Inculcating that war was the great business of life, and to be terrible
to one's enemies the only object of manly ambition, the Spartan laws
sacrificed the noblest private virtues and domestic affections. They
deprived the female character of the charms that most adorn it--modesty,
tenderness, and sensibility; they made men brutal, coarse, and cruel.
They stunted individual talents; Sparta has produced but few great men,
and these, says Macaulay, only became great when they ceased to be
Lacedemonians. Much unsound sentimentality has been expended in
eulogizing Sparta, from Xenophon down to Mitford, yet the verdict of the
unbiassed historian cannot differ very widely from that of Macaulay:
"The Spartans purchased for their government a prolongation of its
existence by the sacrifice of happiness at home, and dignity abroad.
They cringed to the powerful, they trampled on the weak, they massacred
their helots, they betrayed their allies, they contrived to be a day too
late for the battle of Marathon, they attempted to avoid the battle of
Salamis, they suffered the Athenians, to whom they owed their lives and
liberties, to be a second time driven from their country by the
Persians, that they might finish their own fortifications on the
Isthmus; they attempted to take advantage of the distress to which
exertions in their cause had reduced their preservers, in order to make
them their slaves; they strove to prevent those who had abandoned their
walls to defend them, from rebuilding them to defend themselves; they
commenced the Peloponnesian war in violation of their engagements with
their allies; they gave up to the sword whole cities which had placed
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