Great Britain. Parliament; Great Britain. Parliament -- History; Representative government and representation
One cannot altogether relish the sight of several peers, who had been
considered incompetent to manage their own affairs, hastening to
Westminster at the call of a party "Whip" to record their votes upon
Imperial concerns of the greatest importance. And though it must be
admitted that it is rare indeed for the incompetent or degenerate
members of the Upper House to take any part in its deliberations, the
fact that they have the undoubted right to do so scarcely tends to
enhance the respect in which that assembly is popularly held. In
spite, however, of the occasional presence of "undesirables," it is
generally acknowledged that if any question arises requiring a display
of more than ordinary knowledge of history, or more practical wisdom
or learning, these can nowhere be found so well as in the Upper House.
There, too, the level of oratory and of common sense is perceptibly
higher than in the popular assembly. But the Reform Bill of 1832
enabled the Commons to speak in the name of the people, which they had
never hitherto done, and which the Lords cannot do, and thus created
that wide gulf which now separates them from the House of Lords. Here,
however, as well as there, are many men who realise that, in the words
of Lord Rosebery, they have a great heritage, "their own honour, and
the honour of their ancestors, and of their posterity, to guard."[54]
[54] Hansard, vol. 289, p. 957 (1884).
CHAPTER III
THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
The Witenagemot, as we have already seen, was essentially an
aristocratic assembly. The populace sometimes attended its meetings,
but, beyond expressing their feelings by shouts of approval, took no
part in its deliberations. For many years after the Conquest the
People continued to be unrepresented in the Great Council of the
nation, though they were still present as spectators. From 1066 until
about 1225, says Blackstone, the Lords were the only legislators.
After the latter date the Commons were occasionally summoned, and in
1265 they formed a regular part of the legislature. Then for the first
time did the counties of England return two knights, and the boroughs
and cities two deputies each, to represent them in Parliament.
Seventy-four knights from all the English counties except Chester,
Durham, and Monmouth,[55] and about two hundred burgesses and
citizens, sat in the Parliament of Edward I.; but it was not until the
reign of his successor that any attempt was made to form a
constitutional government.
The Three Estates in those days sat in the same Chamber, but did not
join in debate. The Lords made the laws, and the Commons looked on or
perhaps assented respectfully. The separation of the two Houses took
place in the reign of Edward III., when the knights threw in their
allegiance with the burgesses, and in 1322 the Lower House[56] first
met apart.
[55] Durham, both County and City, was not enfranchised until 1673,
and Monmouth was regarded as a Welsh County.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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