The Council of Commissars of the People thus found itself invested with political power by the General Assembly of the Councils of Workers and Soldiers of Berlin. Making immediate use of its power the Council of Commissars issued on November 12, 1918, a proclamation which constituted a declaration of rights of the new régime: The state of siege was revoked. Freedom of assembly and meeting were restored without restriction. All political offences were amnestied. The eight-hour day went into effect on January 1, 1919. All elections thereafter would be held on the basis of equal, direct, universal suffrage based on proportional representation for all men and women who had passed the twentieth birthday, etc. * * * * * But difficulties arose soon between The Council of Commissars of the People and the Executive Committee of the Workers and Soldiers Councils of Berlin. Each of these two bodies considered itself the chief holder of sovereignty and launched proclamations issuing orders. It became absolutely necessary to put precise limits to their respective powers. That was the object of an agreement reached by these two bodies November 22, 1918. According to the terms of this agreement sovereignty belonged wholly to the Executive Committee. The Council of Commissars was to exercise executive power under the permanent control of the Executive Committee. The latter had the power to nominate or recall members of the Council of Commissars. In reality the situation was somewhat different; for the Council of Commissars exercised to some extent legislative powers according to which it claimed the right to issue decrees that had the force of laws. For a month the two bodies worked in this accord. Collisions occurred, of course. The functionaries of the old régime endured impatiently the supervision of the Councils of Workers and Soldiers. Inflaming rumours circulated of the extravagance with which these Councils managed the public finances. Worst of all was the increasing opposition that developed all over the country to the Executive Committee of Workers and Soldiers Councils, which, consisting exclusively of Berlin members, claimed to represent the Councils of all Germany and which acted in effect as though it were delegated by the Councils of the whole country. The fact that on November 23 this Executive Committee had added to itself a certain number of delegates of Workers and Soldiers Councils of states other than Prussia, delegates who had authority to deliberate in matters that concerned all of Germany, did not strengthen the position of the Executive Committee. Meanwhile, however, its machinery appeared to be functioning. * * * * *