(3) A conflict can also arise within the Reichstag itself. The hypothesis is provided by Article 73, par. 2, thus: “A law whose promulgation is deferred at the demand of at least one-third of the National Assembly shall be submitted to the people, if one-twentieth of the qualified voters so petition.” This procedure complicates the work of the legislator. Dr. Heinze, member of the German People’s party, has developed the following argument with much force: A project of law has been sent by the Cabinet, with the approval of the National Council, to the Reichstag, which, however, votes a different text for it. This text comes back to the Reichsrat, which raises objection to it. The Reichstag on a reconsideration of the text adopts a compromise, as in the great majority of actual instances. But there is always in the Reichstag a minority opposed to this compromise, one which proposes to postpone the promulgation of the law and to submit it to a referendum. For this proposal to become operative, it is required that one-twentieth of the electors of the Reich support it, which, if obtained, compels a popular referendum on this matter. This procedure is extremely complicated and can often become dangerous. For one-third of the Reichstag, forced by the party or the group that is behind it, can feel itself obliged to propose a referendum to the people even when the Reichstag and the Reichsrat have concluded happily a precise agreement. Into this agreement there becomes injected a referendum with all its hazards.[31] In spite of this criticism the text was adopted because in Germany cabinets are most often formed by temporary coalition of parties; and the provision in question has the effect of giving an existing coalition longer life and permitting the solution of disputes, thereby avoiding the break-up of the coalition or a dissolution of the Reichstag. (4) A conflict, finally, may arise between the government of the Reich and that of a state over the question which is perhaps the most serious one that can arise in a federal state--the territorial constitution of member states. Suppose the question comes up of either changing the territorial boundaries of a state or forming a new state. If one of the states in question refuses to give its consent the population is then consulted and it decides. * * * * * There is another kind of conflict, more serious perhaps than those just examined. These are the conflicts that arise between the people and its representatives. Let us suppose that the latter do not carry out the provisions or the orders given them by the people. The latter in such a case take matters into their own hands, with or without the collaboration of the representatives, and impose their will upon them. Such a procedure is popular initiative. But here, too, several hypotheses must be distinguished: