Germany -- History -- Revolution, 1918; Germany -- Politics and government -- 1918-1933
This came about thus. The German Social Democratic Party was
professedly revolutionary. Its political attitude had been
traditionally one of refusal of all co-operation or even compromise
with the imperial political system. On this negative basis it had been
possible to combine in a common front comrades of very different
points of view and of political thought. But this superficial
solidarity could not stand the strain of the war. A sense of
patriotism carried one section--the Majority Socialists--first into
countenancing and then into supporting the Government; while pacifist
sentiment against war in general, and this war in particular, carried
the minority into more obstinate opposition. This finally split the
party much as it split our Labour Party. The Majority Social-Democrats
moved towards the Government, while the Government towards the end of
the war came to meet them. Until finally the Ministry of Prince Max of
Baden, that ended the war, not only represented the Reichstag
majority, but also the Majority Social-Democrats.
When Prince Max went down in the revolution, he remitted the reins of
government to Ebert and Scheidemann. They, knowing that alone they could
not rule the whirlwind, called in the Minority Social-Democrats--the
Independents, offering them equal representation in the Cabinet, then
called the People's Commissaries, and in the Central Council. This
arrangement was ratified by the Congress of Councils, though very
perfunctorily, as it was considered only a provisional makeshift.
Now, while the Social-Democrats of the Majority were just
parliamentary reformers, the Independents of the Minority, Haase and
Kautsky, were revolutionaries. Liebknecht was a radical revolutionary
who would not come into the Coalition. Consequently, whereas Ebert and
Scheidemann considered themselves as merely Commissioners to prepare a
Constituent Assembly, the Independents considered themselves
Commissaries for the Congress of Councils. The former considered the
revolution was probably unnecessary, and in any case had done its work
in preparing the way for universal suffrage and a united Germany. The
latter considered that the revolution had only begun, and could only
do its work through the Soviet system and a general socialisation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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