propertied farmers and burghers and had exorcised temporarily Bavarian jealousy of Prussia. All this, however, would not have ensured Berlin success, but for the inherent weakness of the Munich revolutionaries. The movement for Council Government and general Communism had lost all chance of success when it was forced either by the policy of its enemies or by the jealousies of its supporters into the hands of men like the Russian extremists, Leviné and Levien. I saw a good deal of both men during my stay in Munich a few days before their fall, and both were very frank as to the hopelessness of their position. They were very different. Leviné was a black Jew of a common and rather criminal type, with a bad record, but great ability of a sort. Levien was a cosmopolitan and a Bohemian--in appearance and abilities a dissolute and demoralised version--a Bohemian and Bolshevist caricature--of the Treasury official who now represents us and rules Germany on the Reparation Commission. A curious picture it was this Communist dictatorship in the Wittelsbach palace. Outside--crowds of workmen waiting for the posting of the bulletins in which decrees were proclaimed. Inside--a great coming and going of seedy-looking revolutionaries--a frantic clattering of typewriters pounded by unkempt girls--hurried conclaves in corners--remains of meals on marble tables--the dubious atmosphere of a Quartier Latin garret--the high pressure of a Bolshevist headquarters and the melancholy madness of a Wittelsbach pavilion.